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North Carolina State Library 

76e %wC& (frtoluta. 

Issued Quarterly 

Volume XLIII Numbers 1-4 






"NEUSE" 1 

William N. Still, Jr. 



Leonard L. Richards 


POLITICS, 1910-1912 31 

Joseph F. Steelman 



George H. Gibson 



Elizabeth G. McPherson 


Tolbert, The Papers of John Willis Ellis, by Otto H. Olsen 82 

Powell, North Carolina: A Students' Guide to Localized History, 

by Mary Peacock Douglas 83 

Johnson, Tales from Old Carolina: Traditional and Historical Sketches of the 
Area between and about the Chowan River and Great Dismal Swamps, 

by Richard Walser 84 

Parramore, Johnson, and Stephenson, Before the Rebel Flag Fell, 

by Noble J. Tolbert 85 

Williamson, After Slavery : The Negro in South Carolina During Reconstruction, 

1861-1877, by Richard L. Zuber 85 

MANN, Atticus Greene Hay good: Methodist Bishop, Editor, and Educator, 

by Walter B. Posey 87 

GREEN, Memorials of a Southern Planter, by Avery Craven 88 

Knoles, The Crisis of the Union, 1860-1861, by Horace W. Raper 89 

Nye, Here Come the Rebels!, by Robert H. Woody 91 

Rankin, The Theater in Colonial America, by Richard Beale Davis 92 

Hutchinson and Rachal, The Papers of James Madison, Volume IV, 

1 January, 1782 — 31 July, 1782, by J. Edwin Hendricks 94 

Durden, The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896, by James A. Tinsley . . 95 

Walworth, Woodrow Wilson, by George Osborn 96 

Droze, High Dams and Slack Waters: TV A Rebuilds a River, 

by Richard S. Kirkendall 98 

Other Recent Publications ? 99 



H.M.S. "TIGER" 115 

Tom Glasgow, Je. 


Joseph F. Steelman 



Roy A. Riggs 


Lambert Davis 


1964-1965 157 

Henry S. Stroupe 



Stanley A. South 


Glenn Tucker 



Lawrence Lee 


William S. Powell 


Ross, The Cape Fear, by Wilma Dykeman 212 

Sharpe, A New Geography of North Carolina, Volume IV, 

by Memory F. Mitchell 213 

Hassler, The General to His Lady: The Civil War Letters of 

William Dorsey Pender to Fanny Pender, by T. Harry Gatton 214 

Alderson and McBride, Landmarks of Tennessee History, by W. S. Tarlton 215 

Coulter, Old Petersburg and the Broad River Valley of Georgia, 

by Lala Carr Steelman 216 

Lorant, The New World: The First Pictures of America Made by John White 
and Jacques le Moyne and Engraved by Theodore de Bry with Contemporary 
Narratives of the French Settlements in Florida, 1562-1565, and the 
English Colonies in Virginia, 1585-1590, by Cecil Johnson 217 

Greene, The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752-1778, 

by Don Higginbotham 219 

East Carolina College Publications in History, Essays in Southern History, 

by Oliver H. Orr, Jr 220 

Mathews, Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Morality, 1780-1845, 

by John L. Bell, Jr 221 

Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery, by J. Carlyle Sitterson 223 

Byrne, The View from Headquarters: Civil War Letters of Harvey Reid, 

by H. H. Cunningham 224 

Gates, Agriculture and the Civil War, by Cornelius 0. Cathey 226 

Donald, The Politics of Reconstruction: 1863-1867, by Horace W. Raper 227 

Woodward, After the War: A Tour of the Southern States, 1865-1866, 

by T. Harry Williams 228 

Wish, Reconstruction in the South, 1865-1877: Firsthand Accounts of the 

American Southland After the Civil War, by Richard D. Younger 230 

Clark, Three Paths to the Modern South: Education, Agriculture, 

and Conservation, by Allen J. Going 231 

GlPSON, The Triumphant Empire: The Rumbling of the Coming Storm, 
1766-1770, and The Triumphant Empire: Britain Sails into the Storm, 
1770-1776, by Carl B. Cone 232 

Brown, The King's Friends: The Composition and Motives of the American 

Loyalist Claimants, by Laura P. Freeh 233 

MAIN, The Social Structure of Revolutionary America, by Hugh T. Lefler 234 

RlSJORD, The Old Republicans: Southern Conservatism in the Age of 

Jefferson, by Daniel M. McFarland 236 

Conrad, The Forgotten Farmers : The Story of Sharecroppers in the New 

Deal, by Dewey W. Grantham, Jr 237 

Lord, Keepers of the Past, by Morris L. Radoff 238 

Other Recent Publications 240 



Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 



Wilton B. Fowler 


Thomas C. Parramore 



Theodore A. Thelander 


Claude R. Flory 


Lee, The Lower Cape Fear in Colonial Days, by Herbert R. Paschal 344 

Mitchell, Legal Aspects of Conscription and Exemption in North Carolina, 

1861-1865, by Richard Bardolph 345 

HORN, Tennessee's War, 1861-1865: Described by Participants, 

by Holman Hamilton 346 

Isaac, Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 1885-1920, 

by Willard B. Gatewood 347 

Richardson, The Negro in the Reconstruction of Florida, 1865-1877, 

by Charles W. Arnade 349 

Griffin, Newspaper Story of a Town: A History of Danville, Kentucky, 

by Robert N. Elliott 349 

Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621, by James K. Huhta . 350 

Berkeley and Berkeley, The Reverend John Clayton, A Parson with a 
Scientific Mind: His Scientific Writings and Other Related Papers, 
by Robert W. Ramsey 351 

Wright, The Prose Works of William Byrd of Westover: Narratives of a 

Colonial Virginian, by Carlos R. Allen, Jr 352 

Bargar, Lord Dartmouth and the American Revolution, by Barbara Brandon 

Schnorrenberg 353 

Quinn and Skelton, The Principall Navigation Voiages and Discoveries 

of the English Nation, by William S. Powell 354 

Sachs and Hoogenboom, The Enterprising Colonials: Society on the Eve of the 

Revolution, by Jack P. Greene 356 

Grant, American Forts: Yesterday and Today, by John D. F. Phillips 357 

Wynes, The Negro in the South Since 1865: Selected Essays in American 

Negro History, by W. B. Yearns , 359 

Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, by Paul Murray 359 

Link and Patrick, Writing Southern History: Essays in Historiography 

in Honor of Fletcher M. Green, by Clement Eaton 361 

McCalmon and Moe, Creating Historical Drama: A Guide for the Community 

and the Interested Individual, by Arlin Turner 362 

Prince, Steam Locomotives and Boats: Southern Railway System, 

by Michael Dunn 363 

McCormick, The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the 

Jacksonian Era, by William S. Hoffmann 364 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 
Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the 
President, 1963-1961,., by Robert Moats Miller 365 

Other Recent Publications 366 





Norman D. Brown 


REVIVAL OF 1800 401 

Durward T. Stokes 


A. L. DlKET 


Joseph F. Steelman 


Powell, Paradise Preserved, by Louis B. Wright 443 

Craig, The Arts and Crafts in North Carolina, 1699-1840, by Lorraine Pearce 444 

Vining, Flora: A Biography, by Lawrence Lee 445 

Tucker, Zeb Vance: Champion of Personal Freedom, by John G. Barrett ....... 446 

Walser and Street, North Carolina Parade: Stories of History and People, 

by Martha Langston Harrelson 447 

Sanford, But What About the People?, by Burton F. Beers 448 

Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins 

of the Revolution, by Hugh F. Rankin 449 

Frohman, Rebels on Lake Erie, by William W. Hassler 450 

Hall, The Smiling Phoenix, by Burke Davis 451 

Link, Wilson: Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace, 1916-1917, 

by George Osborn 452 

Other Recent Publications 454 



The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
paper developed through the combined efforts of William J. Barrow 
of the Virginia State Library, the Council on Library Resources, Inc., 
and the Standard Paper Manufacturing Company. Tests indicate that 
the paper theoretically has a useful life of at least 300 years. 

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VVitte* !966 

The North Carolina Historical Review 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor 
Mrs. Violet W. Quay, Editorial Associate 


roHN Fries Blair 
[iss Sarah M. Lemmon 

William S. Pot 
Miss Mattie Russell 

Henry S. Stroupe 


Josh L. Horne, Chairman 
Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway 
T. Harry Gatton 
Fletcher M. Green 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

Ralph P. Hanes 

Hugh T. Lefler 

Edward W. Phifer 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $4-00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $1.00 per number. Out-of-print numbers may 
be obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, SIS North First Street, Ann 
Arbor, Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without 
special permission from the editors provided full credit is given to The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department 
of Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh, North Carolina, 27601. Mailing address is Box 1881, Raleigh, North Carolina, 
27602. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina, 27602. 

COVER — Deed from Kiscutanewh to Nathaniell Batts for land on the 
Pasquotank River, dated September 24, 1660. For an article on these and 
related Batts documents, see pages 66 to 81. 

74e %vit& 0cw>Ic*cl 

Volume XLIII Published in January, 1966 Number 1 



"NEUSE" 1 

William N. Still, Jr. 



Leonard L. Richards 

POLITICS, 1910-1912 31 

Joseph F. Steelman 



George H. Gihson 


RIVER, 1660 66 

Elizabeth G. McPherson 




Tolbert, The Papers of John Willis Ellis, by Otto H. Olsen 82 

Powell, North Carolina: A Students' Guide to Localized History, 

by Mary Peacock Douglas 83 

Johnson, Tales from Old Carolina: Traditional and Historical 
Sketches of the Area between and about the Chowan River 
and Great Dismal Swamps, by Richard Walser 84 

Parramore, Johnson, and Stephenson, Before the Rebel 

Flag Fell, by Noble J. Tolbert 85 

Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina 

During Reconstruction, 1861-1877, by Richard L. Zuber 85 

Mann, Atticus Greene Hay good: Methodist Bishop, Editor, 

and Educator, by Walter B. Posey 87 

Green, Memorials of a Southern Planter, by Avery Craven 88 

Knoles, The Crisis of the Union, 1860-1861, by Horace W. Raper 89 

Nye, Here Come the Rebels!, by Robert H. Woody 91 

Rankin, The Theater in Colonial America, 

by Richard Beale Davis 92 

Hutchinson and Rachal, The Papers of James Madison, 
Volume IV, 1 January, 1782 — 81 July, 1782, 
by J. Edwin Hendricks 94 

Durden, The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896, 

by James A. Tinsley 95 

Walworth, Woodrow Wilson, by George Osborn 96 

Droze, High Dams and Slack Waters: TV A Rebuilds 

a River, by Richard S. Kirkendall 98 

Other Recent Publications 99 


By William N. Still, Jr.* 

The C.S.S. "Neuse" was one of twenty-one ironclad warships con- 
structed and commissioned within the Confederacy. Stephen R. 
Mallory, Secretary of the Confederate Navy, and many of his officers 
considered the armored ship to be the most significant element of 
their naval program. Definitely, after the "Merrimac" affair in the 
spring of 1862, ironclad construction was emphasized; and, if time had 
allowed, these vessels might have made a more important contribution 
to the southern war effort. The story of the "Neuse" illustrates the 
frustrations encountered by the Confederate government in its at- 
tempt to build an ironclad navy. 

In the fall of 1862 the Confederate Navy Department contracted 
for two ironclads to be constructed in the North Carolina sounds. 1 
The "Albemarle" and the "Neuse" were designed by John L. Porter, 
naval constructor, as sister ships, shallow-draft vessels capable of 
navigating in the shoal waters of the sounds. 2 On October 17, 1862, a 
contract for the hull of an ironclad gunboat was signed between 
Mallory and the firm of Howard & Ellis, shipbuilders of New Bern. 
The hull was to be turned over to an agent of the Navy Department 
by March 1, 1863, "complete in all respects ready to receive the engine 
and machinery, and to put in place and fasten iron plating on said 
vessel, . . . the iron plates and the bolts for fastening the same are to 
be furnished by the party of the second part [Navy Department] . 


* Dr. Still is associate professor of history, Mississippi State College for Women, 

1 Evidently, several gunboats including ironclads were under construction at Norfolk, 
Virginia, for the North Carolina sounds. They were to be sent through the Albemarle 
and Chesapeake Canal; the vessels, however, had to be destroyed on the stocks when 
Norfolk was abandoned to the enemy in the spring of 1862. John G. Barrett, The Civil 
War in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), 110, 
hereinafter cited as Barrett, Civil War in North Carolina. 

2 The two vessels were of the same class in size, number of guns, tonnage, and 
complement; they were to be 158 feet in length, and 35 feet in beam, single screw 
steamers armed with 2 pivoting 6.4 inch or 7 inch rifles, and with a complement of 
150 men each. 

3 The contract for the "Neuse" is found in Report of Evidence Taken Before a Joint 
Special Committee of Both Houses of the Confederate Congress, To Investigate the 
Affairs of the Navy Department (Richmond: G. P. Evans & Company, 1863), 463-464. 

2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Early in November, 1862, the keel was laid down at Whitehall, a small 
village on the Neuse River, eighteen miles southeast of Goldsboro. 

Commander James W. Cooke, CSN, was ordered to "assist" in the 
building of the vessel at Whitehall and also with the "Albemarle," 
under construction on the Roanoke River. He was to obtain machinery 
and iron for armor, outfit the vessels after launching, and act in an 
advisory capacity between the contractors and the Navy Department. 
His most immediate problem, however, concerned defense. Early in 
the fall, General John G. Foster, in command of a Union force in 
eastern North Carolina, began raiding inland from his base at New 
Bern. At the same time gunboats attempted to ascend the Neuse to 
support Foster. Cooke became alarmed about the vessel at Whitehall. 
The river had been obstructed at Kinston, and Colonel J. F. Gilmer, 
head of the Confederate Engineering Bureau, assured the naval officer 
that, "with a sufficient force the obstructions . . . can be defended 
against any force the enemy are likely to send against it." 4 

Nevertheless, Cooke's apprehensions were well justified. Although 
the gunboats turned back because of low water, Foster's force, with 
its objective the important bridge near Goldsboro, slowly pushed back 
Confederate troops under General Nathan G. Evans. During the night 
of December 15, 1862, three companies of Union cavalry with several 
pieces of artillery reached the bank across the river from Whitehall. A 
brief fight followed with Confederate forces on the opposite bank 
during which a few shells were fired into the partially completed hull. 
Later that night a private in the Third New York Cavalry volunteered 
to swim across and finish off the hull; he got across but was prevented 
from accomplishing his mission because of rifle fire. The next morning 
the main Federal force reached the site; fighting broke out anew and 
once again the shell-scarred hull was hit. 5 

Evidently, the hull was reparable; for with the reoccupation of the 
village by Confederates, work was resumed. In February, 1863, the 
contractors were given their third and fourth payments, and late in 

4 Richard Rush and Others (eds.) Official Records of the Union and Confederate 
Navies in the War of the Rebellion (Washington: Government Printing Office, 30 
volumes, 1894-1914), Series I, VIII, 845, hereinafter cited as Official Records, Union 
and Confederate Navies. 

5 For an account of the engagement at Whitehall see R. N. Scott and Others (eds.), 
The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and 
Confederate Armies (Washington: Government Printing Office, 70 volumes [127 books, 
atlases, and index], 1880-1901), Series I, XVIII, 61-62, 66-67, 69, 121-122, hereinafter 
cited as Official Records. See also, Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, 
Series I, VIII, 467. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse 



Artifacts taken from the "Neuse." From files of Department of Archives and History. 

4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

April or early in May they turned the finished hull over to the navy. 6 
The vessel was then towed to Kinston where machine shops and other 
facilities needed to complete her were available. 

During the summer and fall of 1863, carpenters worked on the in- 
terior of the hull— cabins, crew's quarters and mess rooms, shell rooms 
and magazines, berths and furniture. At the same time mechanics were 
drilling the armor plate as it arrived and bolting it to the hull. 7 In 
addition to the casemate, only the portion of the hull just below the 
waterline to the main deck was to be armored. Nevertheless, the 
chronic shortage of iron, which plagued the entire Confederate iron- 
clad program, seriously delayed completion of the vessel. Manufactur- 
ing facilities, including iron foundries and rolling mills, were scarce in 
the South. As late as February, 1864, a Union officer reporting on the 
progress of the vessel from information supplied by deserters stated 
that it was only "a question of iron and time" before the Confederate 
ship would be completed. 8 The officer's prediction was correct, but 
the problem of iron was not solved until time had nearly run out. 

Less than two weeks after the contract for the "Neuse" was signed, 
the Navy Department was trying to obtain iron for armor. Mallory 
wrote to George W. Randolph, Secretary of War, requesting a quantity 
of rails belonging to the Portsmouth and Weldon Railroad. This could 
not be secured because of "pressure of the enemy." He then heard of 
iron belonging to the Atlantic and North Carolina Company, in which 
the principal stockholder was the state of North Carolina. The Secre- 
tary of Navy immediately wrote to Governor Zebulon B. Vance for the 
rails. On November 21 Vance wrote to Mallory that "upon consultation 
with the Directors of the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad Com- 
pany I have concluded to let you have the iron for the gunboat 
building on the Neuse. . . ." 9 These rails were evidently obtained and 
shipped to Atlanta, Georgia, to be rolled into two-inch plate at the 
rolling mill there. More iron was needed not only for the "Neuse" but 
also for other armored vessels being built in North Carolina. Mallory 
and various naval officers continually urged the Governor to aid in its 

e Receipt of payment, February 3, May 23, 1863, File on Ship Construction, Norfolk, 
Virginia, Navy Section, National Archives, Washington, hereinafter cited as File on 
Ship Construction. 

7 Vouchers, June through November, 1863, File on Ship Construction. 

8 Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 589. 

9 Zebulon B. Vance to S. R. Mallory, November 21 [1862], Letter Books of Governor 
Zebulon B. Vance, Archives, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, 
hereinafter cited as Vance Letter Books. See also, Official Records, Union and Con- 
federate Navies, Series I, VIII, 814; S. R. Mallory to G. W. Randolph, October 28, 
1862, and G. W. Randolph to S. R. Mallory, October 29, 1862, Official Records, Series I, 
LI, Part II, 638; George W. Randolph to Stephen R. Mallory, October 30, 1862, War 
Department Records, Old Army Section, National Archives. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse" 5 

acquisition. In January, 1863, the Secretary of Navy received a letter 
from Commander Cooke: 

It is impossible to obtain any Rail Road iron unless it is seized. The Peters- 
burg Rail Road agent says that he must have the old iron on the Petersburg 
to replace the worn out rails on that road. The Kinston and Raleigh Road 
require the iron taken below Kinston to replace the iron on the Charlotte 
& North Carolina Road and those Roads are considered a military neces- 
sity and the whole subject of Railroad iron was laid before the North 
Carolina Legislature and I am unable to obtain iron. 10 

Mallory forwarded a copy of the letter to Vance and wrote, "The 
vessels would not have been undertaken had the department not had 
good reason to believe the Rail Road iron could be obtained in North 
Carolina." Finally, in May a number of rails were acquired from the 
Wilmington and Weldon Railroad, and more were promised if new 
ones could be exchanged. A large quantity of unused new rails was 
located belonging to the Wilmington, Charlotte and Rutherford Com- 
pany, but the company refused to part with it. Vance, however, was 
able to negotiate its release. 11 

In November, 1863, the hull of the "Neuse" was launched with 
armor (or part of it), but without engines, boilers, shaft, propeller, 
and other machinery. The shield, or armored casemate, could not 
be built until machinery had been installed in the hold. In January 
and February, 1864, the machinery began arriving by rail from Golds- 
boro and was immediately placed in the vessel. 

On January 2 General Robert E. Lee recommended to President 
Jefferson Davis that an attack be made on New Bern as soon as 
possible. The operation, he said, should include troops "I can now 
spare . . . for the purpose, which will not be the case as spring 
approaches," plus naval forces. The naval force was to be composed 
of a fleet of small boats and the two ironclads under construction on 
the Roanoke and Neuse rivers. 12 The plan was approved although the 
two gunboats, still unfinished, had to be left out. Lee was obviously 

10 James W. Cooke to Stephen R. Mallory, January 23, 1863, copy in Vance Letter 

11 Stephen R. Mallory to Zebulon B. Vance, January 23, 1863, copy in Vance Letter 
Books. This iron plus that acquired later was for all the ironclads under construction 
in North Carolina. It is impossible to estimate how much was allotted to each vessel. 
Apparently the "Albemarle" and those being built in Wilmington had priority. W. F. 
Lynch to Zebulon B. Vance, May 13, 1863; Zebulon B. Vance to W. F. Lynch, May 18, 
1863; David A. Barnes to Haywood W. Guion, May 18, 1863, in the Vance Letter 

12 R. E. Lee to Jefferson Davis, January 2, 1864, Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 

6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

disappointed about this, pointing out in a letter to Davis that "with 
their aid I think success would be certain. Without them, though the 
place may be captured, the fruits of the expedition will be lessened 
and our maintenance of the command of the waters in North Caro- 
lina uncertain." 13 The attack was carried out, February 1, 1864, under 
the command of General George E. Pickett of "Pickett's charge" 
fame, and failed. 

After the abortive New Bern expedition, Pickett was ordered to 
Virginia and General Robert F. Hoke assumed command of Con- 
federate military troops in eastern North Carolina. Hoke immediately 
planned an attack on Plymouth, a small but important town near 
the mouth of the Roanoke River. With the failure at New Bern in 
mind, he urged that every effort be made to finish the two ironclads. 
The general not only urged completion, but he actively co-operated by 
detailing a large number of carpenters and other workmen from his 
regiments to work on the gunboats. Hoke was so encouraged by the 
reports from Lieutenant William Sharp, naval officer in charge of 
finishing the "Neuse," that he predicted the gunboat would be ready 
by March 1." 

The Navy Department was not as optimistic as General Hoke. 
Commander John Taylor Wood, naval aide to the President, had led 
the naval boat force in the New Bern expedition. On returning to 
Richmond he reported on the slow progress of the "Neuse" to Davis. 
"It was [Wood] ... who, in his position as aide to the President 
was stirring Mallory up," wrote an officer in the department. 15 On 
February 10 the Secretary of Navy ordered Lieutenant Robert Minor 
to proceed to Kinston immediately, "and endeavor by every means in 
your power to hasten the completion of the gunboat. . . ." 16 Minor 
arrived in Kinston on February 14, and after two days of inspecting 
the work, reported to Mallory: 

18 R. E. Lee to Jefferson Davis, January 20, 1864, Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 

14 Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 56, 97. Regiments working on the "Neuse" 
included the Sixth, Twenty-first, Forty-third, Fifty-fourth, and Fifty-seventh North 
Carolina plus the Twenty-first Georgia. Voucher, File on Ship Construction. There is 
some evidence to indicate that Hoke believed the attack on New Bern failed because 
the two ironclads were not present. See the statement of a captured courier for General 
Pickett, John J. Peck to Henry K. Davenport, n.d., Area Seven File, Navy Section, 
National Archives, hereinafter cited as Area Seven File. 

^Robert D. Minor to wife, February 11, 1864, Minor Family Papers, Virginia 
Historical Society, Richmond, hereinafter cited as Minor Family Papers. 

16 Stephen R. Mallory to Robert D. Minor, February 10, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 
He described this interview to his wife in a letter to her dated February 11, 1864. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse" 7 

Lieutenant Commander Sharp has a force of one hundred and seventy two 
men employed upon her, including . . . nineteen men from the Naval 
Station on the Peedee, four from Wilmington and 105 detailed temporary 
[sic] by Brigadier General Hoke from his Brigade now in camp in this 
vicinity. And additional force . . . can be obtained from the General at 
any time when their services may be needed. As you are aware the Steamer 
has two layers of iron on the forward end of her shield, but none on either 
broadside, or on the after part. The carpenters are now bolting the longi- 
tudinal pieces on the hull, and if the iron can be delivered more rapidly, 
or in small quanities [sic] with some degree of regularity, the work would 
progress in a much more satisfactory manner. The boiler was today 
lowered into the vessel and when in place, the main deck will be laid in. 
. . . The river I am told is unprecendently [sic] low for the season of the 
year. ... I am satisfied that not more than five feet can be now carried 
down the channel . . . and as the Steamer when ready for service will 
draw between six or seven feet, it is very apparent that to be useful, she 
must be equipped in time to take advantage of the first rise. ... I have 
advised and directed the immediate construction of four camels, to be 
used to move the ship on her way down the river. Mr. A. F. Tift left here 
for Augusta, Georgia on Monday last to hurry forward the remainder of 
the iron plate — two car loads of which had arrived prior to his departure. 
Agents have been sent to various points to collect material. ... At my 
suggestion Lieutenant Sharp has adopted the plan of working his men 
from 7 a.m. until 7 p.m. with an intermission of one hour for dinner, and 
with relief parties who will work from 7 p.m. until 3 a.m. . . . The arrange- 
ment has gone into partial affect [sic] today and will be completed to- 
morrow. Lieutenant Sharp informs me that General Hoke has already 
commenced the removal of the obstructions in the river, but from my 
inspection of them today I am [sure that it will take two or three weeks] 
... to open a channel sufficient [sic] wide for the steamer to pass. Lieu- 
tenant Sharp also informs me that he is organizing his crew — twenty- 
eight now on board, and he will make up the whole number of men allowed 
the vessel from those in the army who are accustomed to a seafaring life 
and have volunteered. . . . 

I have advised and since directed the immediate construction of a cov- 
ered lighter of sufficient capacity to carry two days coal and twenty days 
provisions for the steamer. ... If the material is delivered here as rapidly 
as I hope it will be from the arrangement ... I believe the steamer will 
be ready for service by the 18th of next month. . . , 17 

Toward the end of the month Minor was able to report that the 
work was "progressing rapidly." About the same time Lieutenant 

17 Robert D. Minor to Stephen R. Mallory, February 16, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 
See also, John Taylor Wood to Catesby ap [sic] R. Jones, February 26, 1864, Area 
Seven File; and Robert D. Minor to his wife, February 14, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 

8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Benjamin P. Loyall arrived and relieved Sharp. 18 Loyall was to finish 
constructing and fitting out the vessel, then assume command of her 
for the coming operation. On March 9 Loyall wrote, "The Neuse 
floats not— the first course of iron is complete— the second fairly begun 
—the Guns are in and mounted and I think will work well. But the 
ignorance and greeness [sic} of my conscripts is inconceivable. They 
surely would make an old tar swear his head off." He also said, "The 
stop is at Wilmington, where there are several car loads of iron waiting 
transportation. We have been working slowly for the past few days 
from want of iron, and I don't know how it can be helped. . . ." 19 

Transportation facilities, particularly railroad, were never adequate 
in the Confederacy, and as the war progressed, those available rapidly 
deteriorated. This inevitably affected shipbuilding— there was no 
central location for supplies and materials needed to construct and 
fit out a ship of war. Shipyards were in various localities, ordnance 
stores and laboratories in other places, and foundries, machine shops, 
iron works, and rope walks, were elsewhere. On March 11 Mallory 
wrote to the Secretary of War, "The ["Neuse" and "Albemarle"] . . . 
are completed with the exception of the iron plating, and the me- 
chanics are delayed in their work waiting for it." He then emphasized 
that "the work upon these vessels has been delayed for months by 
the want of transportation, and now that they are very near com- 
pletion I respectfully urge that no further delay on this account may 
be had, for unless completed at an early day the detention of the boat 
at Kinston by the fall of Neuse River will be disastrous. . . ." The letter 
was forwarded to A. R. Lawton, the Quartermaster General, who re- 
plied, "at present forage and food necessary for our armies in the 
field demand our entire transportation." 20 

The situation improved little in the next few weeks. An officer 
commanding one of the units detailed to provide labor to finish the 

18 Stephen R. Mallory had not waited to hear from Robert D. Minor before he relieved 
William Sharp of his command and replaced him with Benjamin P. Loyall. John K. 
Mitchell to Benjamin Loyall, February 14, 1864, Personnel Records, Naval History 
Division, Department of the Navy, Washington. The date of Sharp's arrival to supervise 
construction of the vessel has not been determined. One authority suggests the spring 
of 1863. Richard Southall Grant, "Captain William Sharp, of Norfolk, Virginia, 
U.S.N. — C.S.N.," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XLVII (January, 
1949), 51-52. 

19 Benjamin P. Loyall to Robert D. Minor, March 9, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 

20 S. R. Mallory to James A. Seddon, March 11, 1864, Official Records, Series I, 
XXXIII, 1218-1219. In this letter Mallory included an excerpt from a letter from Flag 
Officer William Lynch. Lynch wrote that there were two carloads at Wilmington 
awaiting shipment to Kinston and Halifax. A month before two carloads for the 
"Neuse" on the way from Atlanta to Wilmington disappeared and the Flag Officer 
had several naval officers riding the rails trying to find out what happened to them. 
Robert D. Minor to his wife, February 11, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse" 9 

vessel complained in his journal, "I furnish good ship carpenters-the 
navy keep[s] the workmen waiting for material." He wrote later, 
"Mr. Howard in charge of the work upon the Boat complains of want 
of material to finish. Plait [sic] iron and even rails are wanted." 2 
On April 7 Loyall wrote, "You have no idea of the delay in forwarding 
iron to this place-it may be unavoidable, but I don't believe it. At 
one time twenty one days passed without my receiving a piece. . . . 
Every time I telegraphed to Lynch he replies, 'Army monoplizing 
cars.' It is all exceedingly mortifying to me. . . " 22 

In spite of the serious transportation problem, by April the vessel 
was beginning to take shape. All of her officers had reported and were 
housed about a quarter of a mile from the yard until she was com- 
pleted. The crew was being assembled-mostly, as one officer described 
them, "long, lank, Tar Heels . . . from the Piney woods. You ought 
to see them in the boats," he said; "they are all legs and arms and 
while working at the guns their legs get tangled in the tackles and they 
are always in the wrong place and in each other s way." 23 The two 
guns (6.4 inch Brooke rifles) were already mounted, and the crews 
were drilled twice a day with them. 

The newly arrived officers were not very impressed with their ship. 
One called her the "Neus'ance," and another said, "she will be the 
most crowded and cramped affair you ever saw-there has been un- 
necessary space taken up for coal, which will only bring her down in 

the water Mark what I say-when a boat, built of green pine and 

covered with 4 inches of iron gets under the fire of heavy ordnance 
she proves anything but bomb proof. This vessel is not fastened and 
strengthened more than a 200 ton schooner. Her upper deck is 2 inch 
pine with light beams and is expected to hold a pilot house. I should 
not be surprised, if said pilot house was knocked off." 24 

On April 16 Loyall wrote that although the ironclad would not be 
finished, she would be operational in about a week. Unfortunately, one 
week was too late. General Hoke had already begun his campaign for 
control of the sounds without the assistance of the "Neuse." On April 
13 General Lee wrote to General Braxton Bragg, in command of 
Confederate troops in North Carolina, ordering Hoke's units back to 
Virginia. This was done, he said, because the two ironclads were not 

21 "Descriptive Journal of Company B, 10th North Carolina Artillery Regiment," in 
William Alexander Hoke Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North 

*» Benjamin P^Loyall to Robert D. Minor, April 7, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 
28 Richard H. Bacot to "Sis," March 19, 1864, Richard H. Bacot Papers, Archives, 
hereinafter cited as Bacot Papers. .,-*-«--«. ^ -i -r. 

24 Benjamin P. Loyall to Robert D. Minor, April 16, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 

10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

finished, and he could see no advantage in leaving needed soldiers in 
North Carolina. 25 One of the gunboats was ready, however, or at least 
the "Albemarle" "could be used"; and her commanding officer, James 
W. Cooke, promised that she would take part in the assault. 26 A com- 
bined attack on Plymouth followed April 17 to 20 with the "Albemarle" 
playing a significant role in General Robert F. Hoke's capture of the 

After the successful Confederate capture of Plymouth, Union forces 
withdrew down the Roanoke. Hoke then determined to move against 
New Bern. Loyall, commander of the "Neuse," was ordered to get 
underway immediately and co-operate in the attack. Enthusiastically, 
the ship's crew prepared to move down the river, confident that they 
would "take the city and sink the gunboats without much trouble ... 
and have a fine time afterwards." 27 There was some concern about 
the obstructions and the depth of the water in the river. It had been 
falling since early in March, and in spite of several heavy rains, was 
still quite low. Shoal water, however, was anticipated, and several 
camels were built to lift the vessel over. 28 

On April 27 the "Neuse" got underway and steamed slowly down 
the river. The ironclad steamed only about a half mile from her 
anchorage when a crunching sound was heard, and she grounded on 
a sand bar. The crew frantically tried to get her afloat again, but with- 
out success. By nightfall the bow was four feet out of the water. One 
bitterly disappointed officer wrote, "We will have to wait for a freshet 
again and that will probably take place in July or August." 29 

The news was telegraphed to General P. G. T. Beauregard, who on 
April 23 had assumed control of the newly created Department of 
North Carolina. Beauregard wanted to call off the attack, but Presi- 
dent Davis advised him to wait and see if the vessel could be freed. 
By the first of May it was obvious that she was "hard aground" and 

25 R. E. Lee to Braxton Bragg, April 13, 1864, Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 
1278. Troops were encamped in the vicinity of Kinston to co-operate with the "Neuse" 
in the attack. George [?] to 0. W. Hooper, March 27, 1864, Aurelia Hooper Papers, 
Manuscript Department, Duke University Library, Durham. 

20 Parrett, Civil War in North Carolina, 215. 

^Richard H. Bacot to "Sis," March 19, 1864, Bacot Papers. 

28 Robert D. Minor to Stephen R. Mallory, February 16, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 

29 Richard H. Bacot to "Sis," March 19, 1864, Bacot Papers. Union information about 
Hoke's projected movement and of the "Neuse" was remarkably accurate. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse" 11 

could not participate in the operation. 30 Beauregard, however, allowed 
Hoke to continue his movement, but suggested that he use the "Albe- 
marle" in place of the grounded "Neuse/' On May 5 the "Albemarle" 
started down the Roanoke, intending to cross the sounds and enter 
the Neuse River. Reaching Albemarle Sound she was attacked by 
Union gunboats and forced back to Plymouth in a crippled condition. 
That same day General Hoke, who had commenced his attack on New 
Bern the previous day, received orders to cancel the operation im- 
mediately. U. S. Grant was on the verge of beginning an offensive, 
and Hoke's troops were needed to reinforce Lee. 

The "Neuse" remained on the sand bank nearly a month, finally 
breaking free when the river rose late in May. With military opera- 
tions in the area suspended, and the troops in Virginia, the vessel was 
taken back to her old "cat hole." There she remained throughout the 
summer and fall of 1864. For the crew, duties were rather light during 
this period; the officers on board tried to find diversion in what they 
considered a "dull town." One junior officer wrote, "The Gunboats ( as 
we are called here ) have concluded to have as nice a time as possible 
and find plenty of amusements. We have the exclusive use of a tin-pin 
alley, where we exercise our muscles every morning. We pitch Quoits 
after dinner and have various diversions for the evening; such as boat- 
ing, visiting, walking. . . ." Courting the opposite sex was, as usual, 
rather popular with the unmarried crew members, and at least one 
officer found himself engaged to a young refugee in town. 31 

Loyall's hopes of taking his ship into action gradually disappeared, 
but when he received an inquiry about a change of command, he 
wrote, "I would very much regret to give up the idea of carrying into 
action such a crew as this. And all things considered the ship is not a 
discredit to the Navy, but would be no mean adversary for our 
friends in the Sound. . . ." 32 Nevertheless, on August 25 he was re- 
lieved and ordered to the James River Squadron. Commander Joe 
Price replaced him. 

Although the "Neuse" was operational in the fall and winter of 
1864-1865, she remained helpless in the river at Kinston. Troops were 
not available for a movement down the river, and because of the 

80 Barrett, Civil War in North Carolina, 221 ; Alfred Roman, The Military Operations 
of General Beauregard in the War Between the States, 1861 to 1865 (New York: 
Harper & Brothers, 1884, 2 volumes) , II, 196-197, 544-547, 542 ; P. G. T. Beauregard 
to Braxton Bragg, P. G. T. Beauregard Papers, Duke Manuscript Department; P. G. T. 
Beauregard to R. F. Hoke, May 1, 1864, Official Records, Series I, LI, Part II, 883; 
W. H. C. Whiting to [P. G. T.] Beauregard, April 27, 1864, Official Records, Series I, 
XXXIII, 1314. 

81 Richard H. Bacot to "Sis," July 18, 1864, March 27, 1865, Bacot Papers. 

88 Benjamin P. Loyall to Robert D. Minor, August 4, 1864, Minor Family Papers. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

strongly defended obstructions near the mouth, the ironclad could 
not move without military co-operation. 

Spring came and with it the final collapse of the Confederacy. The 
fall of Wilmington late in February was followed in March by Sher- 
man's invasion of the state. At the same time a Union force under 
General Jacob D. Cox was moving in the direction of Goldsboro. For 
three days ( March 7-9 ) , Confederates under Bragg and Hoke tried to 
stop Cox's advance below Kinston, but the arrival of Union reinforce- 
ments forced the southerners to break off the engagement. General 
Bragg ordered the evacuation of Kinston. The "Neuse" was to cover 
the retreat of Hoke's division, and "if practicable, before sacrificing, 
[she was] ... to move down the river by way of diversion, and make 
the loss ... as costly to the enemy as possible." 33 This was impossible 
because of the lack of coal and provisions; after shelling Union cavalry 
for a short period, the remaining stores were removed, the guns were 
spiked, and the ironclad was set on fire and abandoned. She was sup- 
posed to blow up when the fire reached her magazine, but a loaded 

Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, XII, 190-191. 

'Neuse" being raised from the Neuse River in the fall of 1961. From files of Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. 

Confederate Ironclad "Neuse" 13 

gun discharged, blowing a hole in her below the water line. Within a 
few minutes she sank in shallow water. 34 

Although the "Neuse" never participated in a battle and fired only 
a few random shots at an enemy, she nevertheless did perform a 
service. Her presence in the river occupied Union naval and military 
forces that might have been used elsewhere. After the "Albemarle" 
was destroyed, the strategy of the "fleet in being" was carried out by 
one ship, the "Neuse," which continued to be a passive threat. 


[The C.S.S. Gunboat "Neuse" had been buried in the Neuse River for 
ninety-six years, when she became the object of a great deal of interest 
and activity. In November, 1961, the banks of the river were alive with 
men and equipment, preparing to raise the ironclad. 

After removal of the sand and debris around the "Neuse," steel barrels 
were lashed to her sides and the old gunboat was afloat. Severe rains 
caused the boat to sink again, but in the spring of 1963 the "Neuse" was 
successfully lifted to the bank of the river. 

Situated permanently at the Governor Richard Caswell Memorial in 
May, 1964, the "Neuse" is finally at rest. Before being moved to her 
present location, the gunboat was cut into three sections, which were later 
rejoined. Wood preservative was applied and a stout wooden frame was 
built to cradle the "Neuse." 

An interested group, led by Dan M. Lilley, is working to raise funds to 
match a challenge grant from the Richardson Foundation of Greensboro 
and New York. The project involves a total of $40,000, of which the state 
of North Carolina has appropriated $15,000 and the Richardson Founda- 
tion is granting $5,000, leaving $20,000 to be raised locally. The city of 
Kinston has set aside $5,000, and $1,000 has been obtained through the 
sale of medals and coins by the committee headed by Lilley. The medals 
were struck to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the March, 
1865, scuttling of the "Neuse" to prevent its capture. Three kinds of 
medals are available: $10.00 (silver), $3.00 (bronze and silver), and 
$2.00 (bronze), all of which contain metal recovered from the "Neuse." 
(Orders should be directed to Box 824, Kinston.) 

When the remaining $14,000 is raised a visitor center-museum will be 
constructed to house the artifacts recovered from the "Neuse" and to 
provide an orientation facility for visitors. In addition to such mundane 
items as pots and pans, exhibits will include blocks and tackles, percussion 
shells, grape and canister shot, and the bell from the "Neuse." Future 
plans include the erection of a protective shelter for the hull of the more 
than 300-ton gunboat. Editor.] 

84 J. D. Cox to A. C. Rhind, March 14, 1865, Official Records, Series I, XLVII, Part 
II, 838. For the last day of the "Neuse," see Bacot to "Sis," March 27, 1865, Baeot 
Papers; and Kinston Daily Free Press, April 24, 1940. 

35 For various impressions by Union officers of the "Neuse" and her potential threat, 
see John J. Peck to B. F. Butler, April 14, 1864, February 23, 1864, March 12, 1864, 
I. N. Palmer to J. R. Shaffer, April 23, 1864, [I. N.] Palmer to [P. J.] Claassen, 
April 25, 1864, Official Records, Series I, XXXIII, 280, 282-283, 589, 672, 960-961, 982; 
see also, Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 569-570. 




By Leonard L. Richards* 

Charles A. Beard maintained that the Federalists favored commer- 
cial interests and derived their strength from business and shipping 
cliques, while the Republicans represented agrarian interests and 
drew their support from planters and farmers. 1 Since his thesis first 
appeared, other historians have been asking an embarrassing question. 
With at least nine out of ten Americans farming in the 1790's, why 
then did the Republicans lose the presidential election of 1796? 
There was insufficient strength numerically in the commercial groups 
for the Federalists to form a majority! 

Recently Manning J. Dauer presented a thesis which answers this 
objection. His penetrating analysis led to three conclusions. First, the 
Federalist party drew part of its strength from the wealthier farmers 
who grew much of their crop for export. Second, the congressmen 
who represented these farmers were the moderate Federalists who 
gave their allegiance to John Adams rather than Alexander Hamilton. 
And third, the downfall of Federalism came when the agrarian ele- 
ment was driven from the party by the commercial wing's warlike 
and expensive policies in the late 1790's. 2 

An illustration of Dauer's thesis is the Cape Fear Valley in North 
Carolina, where the voters continually chose a moderate Federalist, 
William Barry Grove, to represent them in Congress. The Fayetteville 
District, however, is a striking exception to Dauer's thesis, for it re- 
mained a Federalist stronghold until Federalism disappeared from 
state affairs in 1815. Indeed, after 1806 the Federalist party was for 
all practical purposes the only party in the district! 

* Mr. Richards is a graduate student in the department of history, University of 
California, Davis. 

1 Charles A. Beard, Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy (New York: 
Macmillan Company, 1915), passim. 

2 Manning J. Dauer, The Adams Federalists (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 
1953), passim, hereinafter cited as Dauer, Adams Federalists. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 15 

Why? What was the cause of this puzzling voting behavior? Was 
it economic interests, or disfranchisement, or state politics, or ethnic 
background, or some other factor? The purpose of this essay is to 
answer the questions and to provide further insights into the Feder- 
alist period. 

Although Beard and Dauer found that economic cleavage deter- 
mined political alignment, there was very little economically that 
distinguished the Fayetteville District from her Republican neighbors. 
Most of the people were "middling" farmers with "Surely more below 
than above Mediocrity/' 3 Only one family out of six owned slaves, 
and only one in twenty owned more than five. 4 The rich lands were 
on the banks of the Cape Fear River; the rest of the land was sandy, 
unproductive pine barrens. Consequently, most people lived as close 
to water as they could. 

The district had only one town; in 1800 the borough of Fayetteville 
was a place of considerable trade, transporting naval stores, lumber, 
tobacco, wheat, flaxseed, and cotton down the Cape Fear River to the 
Wilmington market. 5 The principal exports were naval stores and 
lumber products. While North Carolina led the world in the produc- 
tion of naval stores, lumbering was more widespread in the Cape 
Fear Valley. Virtually every farmer logged to supplement his income. 
About one-half of the wood was produced for the domestic market. 
Of the remainder most was shipped from Wilmington to the British 
West Indies. Naval stores were sent mainly to England, though some 
went to New England. The secondary exports were wheat, tobacco, 
cotton, and flaxseed. Wheat was usually sent to the West Indies, 
except in times of scarcity in Great Britain and France. Tobacco and 
cotton were exported to England and northern Europe. Flaxseed was 
generally shipped to Ireland and occasionally to England and southern 
Europe. 6 

3 Albert R. Newsome (ed.), "Twelve North Carolina Counties in 1810-1811," North 
Carolina Historical Review, VI (July, 1929), 285, hereinafter cited as Newsome, 
"Twelve North Carolina Counties." 

* Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, and 
Raleigh: State of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by Stephen 
B. Weeks for both Colonial Records and State Records'], 1895-1914), XXVI, 240-253, 
299-312, 437-464, 788-802, 968-977, hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

5 John Melish, Travels Through the United States of America (Belfast, Ireland: 
Joseph Smyth, 1818), 185. 

6 C C Crittenden, The Commerce of North Carolina, 1763-1789 (New Haven: Yale 
University Press, 1936), 53-69; Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt, Travels Through 
the United States (London: R. Phillips, 2 volumes, 1799) , II, 314-317, 514-517; Timothy 
Pitkin, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of America (New 
York: James Eastburn & Company, 1817), 48, 96-104, 109-142. 

16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Although Wilmington exported twice as much as New Bern and 
Edenton during the 1790's and ranked thirteenth nationally from 1801 
to 1805, 7 these figures are misleading. For most of North Carolina's 
products went out through Virginia and South Carolina, and the more 
productive land was in the Piedmont region and in the northern part 
of the state rather than in the Cape Fear Valley. 8 New Bern and 
Edenton exported less than Wilmington because they lacked adequate 
harbors; while the Cape Fear River flowed directly into the ocean, 
the New Bern and Edenton accesses to the sea were dangerous and 

While the borough of Fayetteville was rising in wealth and impor- 
tance, it had limited influence on the voting behavior of the district. 
First, less than 5 per cent of the district's voting population lived 
there in the 1790's. Second, only a few farmers depended on the 
Fayetteville market. The people in Moore County seldom went to 
market, and the farmers in Robeson and Richmond counties traded 
with Charleston, South Carolina, because of inadequate transpor- 
tation facilities to Fayetteville. 9 The people in Anson County, owing 
to their distance from the borough, probably carried their goods down 
the Yadkin River, which runs through Anson County, to Charleston, 
too. The merchants of Fayetteville seldom tried to acquire this trade. 
Their primary concern was to increase their trade with the back coun- 
try by running a canal into Chatham County and the heart of the 
Piedmont. 10 They were interested, however, in trading with the 
farmers in their own county of Cumberland. These farmers were the 
wealthiest in the district; in 1790 one family out of 103 owned more 
than twenty slaves, while in the other four counties only one in 440 
owned that number. 11 

Perhaps their greater wealth influenced their political outlook, but 
this influence was definitely slight. For Federalism was not stronger 
in Cumberland County than in the poorer counties; there was always 

7 Minerva (Raleigh), January 27, 1806. 

8 Elkanah Watson, Men and Times of the Revolution, or Memoirs of Elkanah Watson 
(New York: Dana and Company, 1856), 70, 299; Archibald Henderson (ed.), 
Washington's Southern Tour, 1791 (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1923), 
passim; William Winterbotham, An Historical, Geographical, Commercial & Philo- 
sophical View of the American United States (London: J. Ridgway, 1795), 192-224. 

9 Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties," 284-285 ; Hale's Wilmington Gazette, 
August 30, 1798. 

10 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, March 17, 1791, Kemp P. Battle (ed.), 
Letters of Nathaniel Macon, John Steele and William Barry Grove, with Sketches 
and Notes (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press [Number 3, James 
Sprunt Historical Monograph], 1902), 85, hereinafter cited as Battle, Letters of 
Macon, Steele and Grove. 

11 Clark, State Records, XXVI, 240-253, 299-312, 458-464, 788-802, 968-977. 

North Carolina State Library 
John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 17 

a larger proportion of Federalist voters in Anson and Richmond 
counties than in Cumberland County. 12 Also, the farmers in Cumber- 
land County were poor compared with the other farmers living on 
the banks of the Cape Fear River. The large plantations were down- 
stream in the Wilmington District. In New Hanover one family in 
thirteen owned over twenty slaves. 13 The large planters undoubtedly 
were more interested in the foreign export market than were the 
small farmers in the Fayetteville District. Yet New Hanover County 
was a Republican stronghold. 

Beard and many of his followers assumed that many potential 
Republican voters were disfranchised. In the Fayetteville District, 
however, disfranchisement was not a factor. Probably every white 
male over twenty-one had the suffrage. To vote in national elections 
and for state assemblymen, a farmer had to pay public taxes, which 
were never high. To vote for state senators, he had to possess fifty 
acres for six months. Townspeople had to possess a freehold interest. 
Land was cheap, and everyone could acquire it with a little effort. 
In Moore County, for example, tracts could be had for as little as 
25 cents an acre in 1810. 14 

Usually a large number of men voted. In 1790 there were about 
5,500 adult white males in the Fayetteville District, and in 1800, 
about 6,300. From 1792 to 1802 there were no issues to bring out the 
vote in congressional elections. William Barry Grove always won by 
landslides and state elections were held at a different time of the year. 
Yet in 1790, 36 per cent of the adult white males voted; in 1796, 67 
per cent; in 1800, 63 per cent. From 1803 to 1806 the Republicans 
made their bid for power, and the close elections that followed 
increased the voting. In 1804, 86 per cent voted, and in 1805, 88 per 
cent. 15 Clearly, indifference was not the cause of Federalist domina- 

The most distinguishing factor of the district was the Scottish 

12 North Carolina Chronicle; or, Fayetteville Gazette, February 7, 1791; Gazette of 
the United States (Philadelphia), August 27, 1796, hereinafter cited as Gazette of the 
United States; National Intelligencer and Washington Advertiser, September 7, 1804. 

13 Clark, State Records, XXVI, 821-833. 

14 Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties," 282. 

15 Clark, State Records, XXVI, 240-253, 299-312, 437-464, 782-802, 968-977; Raleigh 
Register and North-Carolina State Gazette, July 21, 1801; North Carolina Chronicle; 
or, Fayetteville Gazette, February 7, 1791; Delbert H. Gilpatrick, Jeffersonian Demo- 
cracy in North Carolina (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), 113, herein- 
after cited as Gilpatrick, Jeffersonian Democracy; National Intelligencer and Washing- 
ton Advertiser, September 7, 1804; Annals of Congress, Tenth Congress, First Session, 
1807-1808 (Washington: Gales and Seaton, 42 volumes, 1834-1856), I, 1270-1271, 
hereinafter cited as Annals of Congress. 

North Carolina State Library 

18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

descent of almost all of the inhabitants. 16 In 1790 Scots made up about 
15 per cent of the state's total white population, or roughly 44,000 
people. Some were Lowlanders, but more were Highlanders, who had 
come with their tartans, kilts, and bagpipes. Some had left Scotland 
after the Highlander defeat in the Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and 
1745, but most emigrated in the 1770's. 

Contemporary accounts indicate that most of the emigrants were 
either men of the upper class or their hand-picked followers. In 1771, 
500 left Scotland "under the conduct of a gentleman of wealth and 
merit, whose ancestors had resided in Islay for many centuries past." 1T 
In 1773 the emigration included "the most wealthy and substantial 
people in Skye," and 500 of "the finest set of fellows in the High- 
lands," who carried "at least £6,000 sterling in ready cash with 
them." From Sunderland, in the same year, 1,500 sailed for North 
Carolina with £7,500 sterling, "which exceeds a year's rent in the 
whole county." 18 In 1792 one writer lamented that since 1772, 
£38,000 had been taken from Scotland by the emigrants from West 
Ross-shire and Inverness-shire alone. 19 

Most of the leaders had been tackmen or wadsetters under the clan 
system which in many respects was similar to infantry regiments. 
In war the tackmen and wadsetters were the captains and lieutenants. 
But, contrary to present day company grade officers, they were nearly 
the social equals of their chiefs. They were called gentlemen and 
lived as such. 

After 1745 the British government abolished heritable jurisdictions 
and military tenures. Soon some chiefs realized that there was no 
longer any need for middlemen, and by the 1770's many chiefs had 
extinguished the mortgages and leases held by the wadsetters and 
tackmen and rented directly to the subtenants at higher rates. Some 
of the tackmen and wadsetters remained and adapted themselves to 
the new conditions. Others looked to America, where they hoped to 
re-establish their former system. According to one of them, they 
"rather wished to be distinguished as leaders, than by industry," and 
they said "by spiriting the lower class of people to emigrate, we shall 

"Howard F. Baker, "National Stocks in the Population of the United States as 
Indicated by the Surnames in the Census of 1790," American Historical Society Annual 
Report (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1931), I, 126-134. 

17 Scots Magazine, XXXIV (Edinburgh, Scotland, October, 1771) 486, hereinafter 
cited as Scots Magazine. 

28 Edinburgh Evening Courant (Scotland, May, 1773), 134-138. 

19 Edinburgh Advertiser (Scotland), January 17, 1792. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 19 

carry a class to America, and when we are there they must work for 
us or starve." 20 

The people who came with the wadsetters and tackmen were for 
the most part hand-picked. Prior to 1745 clan chiefs measured their 
wealth in the number of men that they could raise for battle. Conse- 
quently, the Highlands soon had more people than that rugged 
terrain could support. After 1745 sheep farming was introduced, and 
thousands were thrown out of employment and off the farms. As a 
result, there were more applicants than ship space, and the leaders 
could be selective. 21 James Hogg, who became one of the leading 
citizens in North Carolina, took 280 people with him. He solicited 
none and rejected many who begged for passage. He took only 
people who paid their own freight, and whose ministers attested to 
their honesty and character. 22 

These people were accustomed to obeying their superiors. Democ- 
racy was foreign to them. Like all military organizations, the clan 
structure was authoritarian, and Highland society was just emerging 
from the feudal state. Lowland critics, who traveled through the 
Highlands periodically, claimed that it was like England before the 
Norman conquest. 23 Although the American environment would 
slowly alter clannishness, it had made little headway before the War 
for Independence. The Scots who fought at Moores Creek Bridge 
came with broadswords at their sides, in tartan garments and feathered 
bonnets, and in step to the shrill music of the bagpipe. Throughout 
the war they adhered to their age-old custom of following their 
leaders into battle. The names of the officers and soldiers who fought 
in the loyalist regiments show that there were a large number of men 
from the same clans— Clan MacDonald and Clan MacLeod, with 
lesser numbers of Clan MacKenzie, Clan MacRae, Clan MacLean, 
Clan MacKay, Clan MacLachlan and others— in the same units. 24 

With this heritage it is not difficult to understand why they did not 
respond to Jeffersonian democracy. Their leaders certainly brought 

^"Veritas" in Edinburgh Advertiser, quoted in Scots Magazine, XXXV (May, 1772), 

21 Scots Magazine, XXXVII (October, 1775), 536. 

22 James Hogg to Mr. Balfour, Scots Magazine, XXXVI (July, 1774), 345-346. 

23 "Lord Selkirk on Emigration," Edinburgh Review, VII (Scotland, May, 1805), 

24 Robert 0. DeMond, The Loyalists in North Carolina During the Revolution (Dur- 
ham: Duke University Press, 1940), Appendix A, hereinafter cited as DeMond, 
Loyalists in North Carolina; Marion Gilroy (compiler), "Loyalists and Land Settle- 
ment in Nova Scotia," Public Archives of Nova Scotia (Halifax: Public Archives of 
Nova Scotia, 8 volumes, 1933-1948), IV, 7-154, hereinafter cited as Gilroy, Public 
Archives of Nova Scotia. 

20 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with them a state of mind that was incompatible with the philosophy 
of Thomas Jefferson, and the rank and file had centuries of tradition 
to overcome. They tended to be conservative in all things, and one 
of the best examples of this characteristic was in their religious life. 
Methodism and revivals were popular neither in Scotland nor among 
the Scots in America. The Reverend David Caldwell, a Scotch-Irish 
minister, welcomed the revival of 1801 as a special manifestation of 
God. He tried to introduce it into both of his congregations. One, 
which contained mostly Scotch-Irish communicants, went so far as 
to adopt the evangelical hymns of Isaac Watts. But the other, with a 
majority of Scottish communicants, rejected his gospel message and 
continued the old custom of singing psalms. 25 

Another reason for the alienation of the Fayetteville District from 
the Republicans was the Republican leaders' stand during the War 
for Independence. Most of the population had been Tories during 
the war. Anson, Bladen, and Cumberland counties led all others in 
supplying men to the loyalist regiments and militia. Anson County 
alone furnished a regiment of loyalist militia for the battle at Charles- 
ton. 26 Almost all of the merchants and two-thirds of the farmers in 
Cumberland County were Tories. When the British invaded North 
Carolina in 1780-1781, the Tories under arms in Bladen County out- 
numbered the patriots by five to one. In Cumberland County only 
eight men reported to a muster to fight the loyalists. 27 

Anti-Tory legislation began immediately with the coming of the 
war. For the most part, the prominent Republicans of the 1790's 
were the anti-Tory radicals of the 1770's and 1780's. Timothy Blood- 
worth led the radicals, and Nathaniel Macon was one of his followers. 
The leading Federalists, on the other hand, were the conservative 
Whigs who defended the Tories during this period. Samuel Johnston, 
James Iredell, William R. Davie, and Archibald Maclaine (MacLaine) 
were the leaders. 28 

The radicals concentrated mainly on confiscating the large estates. 
From June, 1784, to November, 1787, a large number of tracts were 

^William K. Boyd, Methodist Expansion in North Carolina After the Revolution 
(Durham: Trinity College [Volume 12 of Historical Society of Trinity College Pub- 
lications'], 1916), 45. 

28 DeMond, Loyalists in North Carolina, Appendix A. 

^Adelaide L. Fries and Others (eds.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina 
(Raleigh: State Department of Archives and History [projected 11 volumes, 1922 — ]) , 
III, 1055-1058; R. D. W. Connor, Race Elements in the White Population of North 
Carolina (Raleigh: North Carolina State Normal and Industrial College Publication, 
1920), 66. 

28 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 511, passim. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 21 

sold in Anson, Bladen, Montgomery, and Moore counties. 29 Although 
the Tories may have been able to hold their land, there is no doubt 
that they suffered at the hands of the radicals. In Cumberland County, 
for instance, after about half a dozen Whigs had been killed, their 
friends decided to inflict revenge on the whole county. One patriot 
split a boy's head open "so that half fell on either shoulder," because 
a Tory leader had threatened the patriot with instant death if he 
touched the boy. Another ordered that all prisoners should be killed 
in the same manner. Rather than suffer this fate, the prisoners ran 
and were shot down. The patriots then proceeded through the county, 
killing every man that they found, breaking chests of china, ripping 
up books, tearing off girls' clothing with their swords. 30 

Even fellow Whigs suffered at the hands of zealous patriots. Archi- 
bald M'Bryde happened to be visiting a Tory friend. He was killed 
before an inquiry was made. 31 Significantly, his son became an ardent 
Federalist. Robert Rowan, a stanch Whig, was accused of being a 
Tory and thrown into jail for opposing the ruling faction and criti- 
cizing the harsh measures. 32 His stepson, William Barry Grove, also 
became a Federalist. 

Animosities did not end with the war, nor did they end with the 
ratification of the Constitution. In 1794 "a number of Loyalists, natives 
of North Carolina" left their homes "to seek refuge . . . from the 
animosities which still exist in that state." They came into upper 
Canada, and their friends were following them. In 1796 still more 
came. 33 At least 150 Scottish families emigrated from North Carolina 
to Nova Scotia during the 1790's, and because of party battles during 
the Adams' administration, the numbers increased. 34 

Obviously the average Tory would not be attracted to a party led 
by Bloodworth and Macon. What would he do, however, if he thought 
that the Republican candidate was a Tory? Only one Republican did 
well in Fayetteville elections. Significantly, he had been indicted 
several times for Toryism. 

29 DeMond, Loyalists in North Carolina, 58. 

30 Eli Caruthers, Interesting Revolutionary Incidents: and Sketches of Character, 
Chiefly in the (i Old North State" (Philadelphia: Hayes and Zell, 1856), 355, 391, 
hereinafter cited as Caruthers, Revolutionary Sketches. 

31 Caruthers, Revolutionary Sketches, 395. 

32 Clark, State Records, XI, 627-631. 

83 J. G. Simcoe to the Committee of the Privy Council for Trade and Plantations, 
September 1, 1794, Ernest A. Cruikshank (ed.), The Correspondence of Lieut. Gov- 
ernor John Graves Simcoe (Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 5 volumes, 1923- 
1931), III, 56, 193. 

34 Gilroy, Public Archives of Nova Scotia, IV, 7-154. 

22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Tory heritage and the agrarian interests of the district affected 
the outcome of national elections from the beginning, but the com- 
mercial interests of the district and the conservative nature of the 
population did not assert their presence fully until the time of Jay's 

In 1789 the Fayetteville District was combined with Wilmington 
into one congressional district. In that year the two candidates for 
Congress were Timothy Bloodworth and Benjamin Smith. Both 
were unpopular, but Bloodworth had some popularity in Wilmington. 
This was enough to win the election. 35 Smith was so unpopular that 
he received only seven votes in the next election. While Bloodworth 
was in Congress he represented the agrarian views of his Scottish 
constituents. His opposition to assumption of state debts and to the 
excise law was not objectionable. The Scots lost heavily to specu- 
lators and held the government responsible for it. 36 And they re- 
garded the excise tax as the most odious form of taxation that could 
be devised. 37 Nevertheless, when another candidate appeared in 1790, 
there was no question who would win. Bloodworth was still unpopular 
with the Tories, and the election results showed it. In the Scottish 
counties he lost by 106 to 1,854 votes; in the other counties he won by 
980 to 294. 38 

Bloodworth was beaten by William Barry Grove. Virtually nothing 
is known about Grove's early life, except that he was the stepson of 
Robert Rowan, an ardent patriot during the War for Independence. 
He was elected to the House of Commons in 1786, 1788, and 1789. 
In 1788 he was also a delegate to the convention called to consider 
the Constitution and voted with the minority against the resolution 
to postpone consideration. In 1789 he attended North Carolina's 
second convention to consider the Constitution and voted for ratifi- 
cation. Above all, he championed the interests of Fayetteville during 
these years. In 1787 he induced the General Assembly to make Fay- 
etteville a district court town, in which superior courts were held 
twice a year for several counties. In 1789 he succeeded in having 

^Archibald MacLaine to James Iredell, December 22, 1789, Griffin J. McRee (ed.), 
The Life and Correspondence of James Iredell (New York: Reprint by Peter Smith, 
2 volumes, 1949), I, 276, hereinafter cited as McRee, Iredell. 

36 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, March 17, 1791, Battle, Letters of Macon, 
Steele and Grove, 86. 

37 Annals of Congress, First Congress, Third Session, 1789-1791, I, 1895; "A Peti- 
tion and Remonstrance to the President and Congress of the United States," William 
K. Boyd (ed.), Some Eighteenth Century Tracts Concerning North Carolina (Raleigh: 
North Carolina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 
1927), 491-502. 

88 North Carolina Chronicle; or, Fayetteville Gazette, February 7, 1791. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 23 

the State Constitution of 1776 amended to make Fayetteville a bor- 
ough town, entitled to a member in the House of Commons. 39 

Grove was elected to Congress in the winter of 1790-1791; despite 
his strong record in the House of Commons, the Scottish leaders seem 
to have regarded him as a young upstart. 40 He was known primarily 
as "Rowan's boy." He had inherited his stepfather's colonial mansion 
in Fayetteville, where he lived and carried on his law practice. And 
he probably had inherited his stepfather's plantation, "Hollybrook." 
At any rate he lived in an affluent style; he was famous for his hos- 
pitality, and his home was a stopover for congressmen journeying to 
and from the seat of government. Moreover, in 1790 he owned seven- 
teen slaves. 41 Like the other larger planters along the Cape Fear 
River, Grove probably sent much of his crop to Wilmington to be 
exported to England and the West Indies. If not, he at least thought 
like a man whose income depended on the foreign export market. 42 

During Washington's administration Grove was always called a 
Federalist, but only in the sense that he had favored the Constitution. 
He was never a follower of Hamilton. Of the leaders, he definitely 
preferred Jefferson. 43 He criticized both factions, but he seems to 
have had more respect for the rank and file of the Federalist party. 
Yet he voted and thought like a Republican. He was always in favor 
of "applying every nerve of government" toward melting down the 
public debt and eliminating the "Colossus of Speculation which has 
infused itself into the administration ... to the dishonour &c. of Con- 
gress. . . ." 44 He was a warm advocate of the French Revolution and 
a harsh critic of Britain. 

Why, then, did he become a follower of John Adams rather than 
Thomas Jefferson? There were two reasons. First, state politics alien- 
ated him from the Republicans in his state. During the late 1780's 
and early 1790's, the future site of the state capital was the most 
important single issue of the day in Fayetteville. All the town's politi- 

39 Clark, State Records, XXII, 1-53. 

40 John Ingram to John Steele, August 19, 1787, Henry McG. Wagstaff (ed.), Papers 
of John Steele (Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Commission [State Department 
of Archives and History] , 2 volumes, 1924) , I, 17, hereinafter cited as Wagstaff, 
Steele Papers; John Hay to James Iredell, December 16, 1790, and Archibald MacLaine 
to James Iredell, December 23, 1790, McRee, Iredell, II, 303, 304. 

41 Clark, State Records, XXVI, 460. 

42 Battle, Letters of Macon, Steele and Grove, passim. 

43 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, April 3, 1794, Battle, Letters of Macon, 
Steele and Grove, 93-94. 

44 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, January 21, 1795, Henry McGilbert Wagstaff 
(ed.), Letters of William Barry Grove (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 
Press [Second section of Volume 9, Number 2, of James Sprunt Historical Publi- 
cations], 1910), 54-55, hereinafter cited as Wagstaff, Letters of Grove. 

24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cal and civic leaders had their hearts set on its permanent location 
there. It was all Grove talked about during his early years in Con- 
gress. In 1792 the state legislature was split over the question of who 
should be elected to the United States Senate. One candidate was 
critical of the federal government; the other was suspected of being 
a follower of Hamilton. The Cape Fear men would vote for either if 
it would assure them of getting the capital. 45 By 1793 it became clear 
that the prize was lost. For months Grove and his friends refused to 
believe it, and then they became morose. 46 To make matters worse, 
the capital was lost to Raleigh, which was nowhere near the size of 
Fayette ville and not even a dot on the map. Timothy Bloodworth, the 
leading Republican in the Cape Fear region, was responsible for this 
disaster, and he became more unpopular than ever. For the Fayette- 
ville politicians, this was a bitter loss, and they did not accept it 
gracefully. There followed between Fayetteville and the other sec- 
tions a period of feuding to which legislation was still being sacrificed 
in 1816. 47 

Second, in national affairs Grove became a moderate Federalist as 
as matter of expediency. His constituents had been violently opposed 
to the excise tax, and Grove never forgot it. During the French crisis 
from 1797 to 1799, he voted usually with the Republicans when cut- 
backs in the military establishment were proposed and worried often 
about the effect of additional taxes. 48 On questions of peculiar interest 
to the South, he voted with his section. He opposed the bill giving 
bounties to the Great Bank and Cod Fisheries. He naturally favored 
the law for restoration of fugitive slaves and opposed the proposal 
to levy duties on tobacco and sugar. 

In the dispute with Great Britain, which led to Jay's Treaty, he 
sided with the Republicans at first. He favored the nonintercourse 
measure. But his constituents forced him into a neutral position. In 
April, 1794, he signed a paper which praised France, condemned 
England, and recommended that firm measures be taken against 

^William R. Davie to John Steele, December 2, 1792, Kemp P. Battle (ed.) Letters 
[of William Richardson Davie], with Notes (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 
Press [Second section of Number 7, James Sprunt Historical Monograph], 1907), 27, 
hereinafter cited as Battle, Letters of Davie. 

48 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, April 3, 1794, Battle, Letters of Macon, 
Steele and Grove, 93. 

47 Archibald D. Murphey to Thomas Ruffin, December 22, 1816, William H. Hoyt 
(ed.), The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey (Raleigh: North Carolina Historical 
Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 2 volumes, 1914), I, 91, 
hereinafter cited as Hoyt, Murphey Papers. 

48 The voting charts in Dauer, Adams Federalists, accurately present Grove's voting 
record for this period. See also, William Barry Grove to James Hogg, January 4, 1797. 
Battle, Letters of Macon, Steele and Grove, 115-116. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 25 

Britain. 49 Immediately he regretted his stand. He doubted if the 
people would be willing to pay even a small land tax for defense. 50 A 
Democratic-Republican club saluted "Citizen Grove" for his firm 
stand and proclaimed that they were willing to go to war if need be. 51 
But the majority proved that Grove's doubts were correct. They 
accepted Jay's Treaty. The Republicans in town even feared that 
many "persons inimical to liberty" would stop them from burning 
John Jay in effigy. 52 And the politicians, who certainly did not want 
to alienate public opinion during the August elections, toasted the 
treaty publicly. 53 

Economically, the people might have benefited from the commer- 
cial restrictions in Jay's Treaty. Wilmington could handle only small 
vessels due to a sand bar which partially obstructed the mouth of the 
Cape Fear. Consequently, her merchants were unable to compete 
with merchants who used large vessels. One provision in Jay's Treaty 
limited entry to the British West Indies to vessels not over seventy 
tons burden. If this provision were enforced by British officials, it 
would have put Wilmington merchants on an equal footing with the 
other merchants in the British West Indian trade. This, in turn, would 
benefit everyone who produced or handled lumber products for the 
British West Indies. The other part of this provision, which prohib- 
ited the export of sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton from the United 
States in American vessels, would hurt the cotton growers in North 
Carolina. But most farmers in the Cape Fear Region had not switched 
to raising cotton in 1795. 

In April, 1796, Grove deserted his Republican supporters and voted 
for the appropriation for Jay's Treaty. In the summer of 1796 his 
stand brought him overwhelming popular support. He defeated 
Duncan M'Farland by a margin of 2,950 to 1,068. Grove lost only in 
Robeson County, where M'Farland had a large personal following, 
but only by twenty votes. Grove received his strongest support in 
Anson and Richmond counties, which were in the same economic 
position as Robeson. In Richmond County he won by 890 to 227 votes, 

49 North Carolina Journal (Halifax), April 9, 1794, hereinafter cited as North 
Carolina Journal. 

50 William Barry Grove to John Steele, April 2, 1794, Battle, Letters of Macon, 
Steele and Grove, 102, 109-110. 

51 North Carolina Journal, April 30, 1794. 

52 North-Carolina Centinel and Fayetteville Gazette, July 25, 1795. 

53 Charles Wilson Harris to Dr. Charles Harris, August 13, 1795, H. M. Wagstaff 
(ed.), The Harris Letters (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press [Volume 
14, Number 1, of James Sprunt Historical Publications'], 1916), 22, hereinafter cited 
as Wagstaff, Harris Letters. 

26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and in Anson County by 701 to l. 54 These farmers did not send their 
goods to Wilmington and probably were not attracted to Jay's Treaty 
by the hope of commercial gain. They had been loyal to England 
during the war and were probably still loyal. As former Tories they 
had no reason to love France, for France had come to the aid of their 
enemies during the war. And like most conservatives they probably 
frowned on the French Revolution. 

During the French crisis which soon followed Jay's Treaty, Grove 
desired peace and approved of Adams' peace mission. 55 While this 
conflict was going on, however, he approved of moderate defense 
measures. This too was partly the result of public opinion. During 
this period he constantly referred to the vast amount of mail that he 
had to answer, and its martial tone. In Wilmington, during January, 
1797, one seaman was killed, and two were severely injured by a 
French frigate. 56 By April the whole southern part of the state had 
been excited by stories of sailors from the West Indies; with few 
exceptions the French were called a "pack of damn'd villains," and 
mobs were being raised to attack the French frigate in Wilmington. 57 
In June Grove began to vote for Federalist measures more often than 
he had before. When Grove reached home in August, he was honored 
at a public dinner. Among other phrases of adulation, the toastmas 
ters claimed that only Grove enjoyed the approval of his constituents. 
This charge brought a stinging reply from "A Whig." He branded the 
Fayetteville District "a circle of Toryism," and fervently hoped that 
Whiggery, "so suitable to the soil of North Carolina," would soon 
capture even this district. 59 Grove returned to Congress and voted 
even more often with the Federalists, and in the congressional election 
of 1798 "the independent, firm, virtuous Grove" met with no opposi- 
tion. 60 In the next two years Grove continued to support Adams, and 
in 1800 he was opposed by another Federalist, Samuel Purviance. 
Grove defeated him by the overwhelming margin of 3,077 to 880. 61 

During these years Grove also changed his mind toward Thomas 
Jefferson. In January, 1797, he was happy that Jefferson had been 

54 Gazette of the United States, August 27, 1796. 

55 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, June 24, 1797, Wagstaff, Letters of Grove, 
60-62. See also, William Barry Grove to James Hogg [1800?], Wagstaff, Letters of 
Grove, 85. 

56 North Carolina Journal, January 7, 1797. 

57 Charles Wilson Harris to Dr. Charles Harris, April 11, 1797, Wagstaff, Harris 
Letters, 43. 

58 Hale's Wilmington Gazette, August 24, 1797. 

59 North Carolina Journal, September 7, 1797. 
00 North Carolina Journal, October 1, 1798. 

61 Gilpatrick, Jeffersonian Democracy, 113. 


John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 27 

elected Vice-President. His electorate, however, did not share his 
opinion. As their elector they chose William Martin, an Adams man 
who was openly hostile to Jefferson. 62 In addition, the leaders of the 
district "feared the worst" if Jefferson were elected. 63 By 1798 Grove 
had adopted their view. And in the election of 1800 Grove and Adams 
received overwhelming majorities in every county in the district. 64 
Although the party battle that occurred during the French crisis may 
have altered his sentiments, the antipathy to Jefferson and the Repub- 
licans in his home district probably had a greater influence on his 
choice of parties. For Grove was not the only one to change his 
thinking. In 1793 Samuel Purviance was secretary of the Democratic- 
Republican club which wanted to burn John Jay in effigy. In 1800 he 
ran against Grove and received Republican support. In 1803 he ran 
as a Federalist and was opposed ardently by Republicans. He was 

The only successful Republican in the Fayetteville District before 
1815 was Duncan M'Farland. In the congressional election of 1804 
he polled 2,033 votes to Joseph Pickett's 1,750, William Martin s 
1,719, and John Hay's 22 votes. 65 Martin was an Adams elector in 
1796 and 1800, and he was the only candidate that Nathaniel Macon 
considered a Federalist. But Pickett was opposed to Madison's elec- 
tion in 1812. 66 The Republicans came close in two other elections. In 
1803 the three Republican candidates got a majority of the votes, but 
the single Federalist won the election. 67 And in 1805 John Culpepper, 
a Federalist minister, defeated Duncan M'Farland by 2,569 to 2,51 1. 68 

The main reason for M'Farland's limited success was the superior 
state- wide organization of the Republicans. Both parties had political 
papers in Raleigh by the election of 1800, but the Republicans made 
sure that their paper was read. In analyzing their defeat in 1800, the 
Federalists found that the Republicans had been sending the Phila- 
delphia Aurora. General Advertiser and the Raleigh Register and 
North-Carolina Weekly Advertiser to all corners of the state, whether 
people subscribed to the papers or not. The Federalists had been 

62 North Carolina Journal, December 12, 1796. 

63 Walter Alves to John Steele, December 15, 1796, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 147. 
61 Gazette of the United States, November 20, 28, 1800. 

65 National Intelligencer and Washington Advertiser, September 7, 1804. 
60 William Boylan to John Steele, September 5, 1812, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, II, 

67 Nathaniel Macon to Thomas Jefferson, September 3, 1803, Elizabeth G. MdPherson 
(ed.), "Unpublished Letters of North Carolinians to Jefferson," North Carolina 
Historical Review, XII (July, 1935), 278-279, hereinafter cited as McPherson, "Letters 
to Jefferson." 

68 Annals of Congress, Tenth Congress, First Session, 1807-1808, I, 1270-1271. 

28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sending their paper only to subscribers, which meant that they were 
probably affecting the sentiment only of those who were already 
Federalists. The Federalists planned to take similar measures in 
1802, 69 but by then it was too late. 

In the Fayetteville District the Federalist party was disorganized. 
Grove did not have firm control of his followers. Contrary to Grove's 
wishes, John Willis put the party in jeopardy by contesting an election 
on the ground that his opponent was a Tory. 70 Grove's control was 
so weak that in 1803 he did not even sponsor a successor. As a result 
he did not approve of the Federalist candidate who ran. He detested 
M'Farland and even threatened to move out of the district if he won. 
Yet he did not campaign against him. Instead, he adopted the policy 
of "letting every man paddle his own canoe." 71 

Compared with Grove, the Republican leaders were first-rate 
politicians. When the Halifax Federalists chose the eminent William 
R. Davie as their candidate in 1803, Nathaniel Macon saw to it that 
one of the two Republican candidates withdrew from the election. 72 
And Macon insisted on making all political appointments and kept 
the rank and file in line by controlling the patronage. 73 In the Cape 
Fear region, Timothy Bloodworth was actively recruiting Benjamin 
Smith and other influential Federalists into the Jeffersonian camp. 74 

Perhaps the most effective organizer of all, however, was Duncan 
M'Farland. By trade, he was a builder of roads and bridges; conse- 
quently he traveled extensively throughout the district. He cam- 
paigned constantly and gave most of his speeches in Gaelic. From 
his published statements in English, it appears that he was unedu- 
cated, but he translated his speeches into Gaelic, and his use of that 
language was excellent. He organized the Scots into wards, and these 
groups ran his campaign in their areas. 75 

M'Farland was probably a mobster; he was tried for one crime 
after another. He was convicted of rape, and he was extradited to 

69 Duncan Cameron to John Moore, September 1, 1802, William E. Dodd (ed.), 
"Macon Papers," John P. Branch Historical Papers (Richmond: Randolph-Macon 
College, 1909), III, 36-38. 

70 William Barry Grove to James Hogg, January 28, 1798, Wagstaff, Letters of 
Grove, 69-70. 

71 William Barry Grove to John Steele, May 27, 1803, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 

72 William Richardson Davie to John Steele, August 20, 1803, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, 
I, 405. 

73 Albert Gallatin to John Steele [1801], Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 238. 

74 Timothy Bloodworth to Thomas Jefferson, January 17, 1804, McPherson, "Letters 
to Jefferson," 279-280. 

75 Minerva; or, Anti-Jacobin (Raleigh), August 1, 1803, July 23, 1804, August 6, 
1804; Raleigh Register, July 23, 1804. 

John Adams and the Moderate Federalists 29 

South Carolina for murder, where he was acquitted. Among the lesser 
crimes, he was charged and acquitted of hog-stealing, forgery, witch- 
craft, perjury, and Toryism. Although he was acquitted, the more 
substantial citizens thought he was guilty. 76 And in each trial key 
witnesses failed to appear or altered their testimonies. M'Farland, of 
course, always claimed that he was being persecuted for political 
reasons. And at times the prosecution seemed to have been overly 
zealous in its attempts to convict him. 

At any rate the conservative element of the population hated him 
and his followers. In Richmond County people referred to his follow- 
ers as "the ignorant dram-drinking rabble" and voted against M'Far- 
land. 77 In Anson County only a handful of people supported M'Far- 
land. In 1803, 1804, and 1805, most of his votes came from Robeson 
and Cumberland counties. In Moore County he was successful only 
when he campaigned vigorously there. 

M'Farland contested nearly every election that he lost, but only 
one was terminated in his favor. This was the congressional election 
of 1805. Although M'Farland indicated that he was a victim of corrupt 
election practices, Congress' ground for setting aside the election did 
not substantiate his claim; its finding was that the election officials 
had been sworn in improperly— even in the counties that M'Farland 
had won. 78 

In 1807 M'Farland withdrew to the state legislature, and his de- 
parture left a vacuum that the Republicans were unable to fill. His 
party was strictly a one-man political machine, and the other Repub- 
licans were unable to take advantage of it. With his departure the 
Republican party in Fayetteville collapsed. A factor which aided the 
collapse was Jefferson's embargo. According to one traveler, every 
farmer in the district considered it a "ruination." 79 Only Federalist 
candidates appeared in 1808 and 1810; in both elections Archibald 
M'Bryde, a lawyer from Moore County, defeated John Culpepper, a 
Baptist preacher. 80 In 1813 and 1815 M'Bryde was replaced by Cul- 

76 Benjamin Smith to General Henry William Harrington, December 20, 1800, Henry 
M. Wagstaff (ed.), The Harrington Letters (Chapel Hill: University of North 
Carolina Press [Volume 13, Number 2, of James Sprunt Historical Publications], 
1914), 20, hereinafter cited as Wagstaff, Harrington Letters; Joseph Pearson to John 
Steele, November 24, 1805, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 458. 

^Richmond County to General Henry William Harrington, July 2, 1798, Wagstaff, 
Harrington Letters, 16-18. 

78 Annals of Congress, Tenth Congress, First Session, 1807-1808, I, 1270-1271. 

79 J. Franklin Jameson (ed.), "Diary of Edward Hooker, 1805-1808," Annual Report 
of the American Historical Association for the Year 1896 (Washington: Government 
Printing Office, 2 volumes, 1897), I, 912. 

80 Raleigh Register, August 25, 1808, August 23, 1810; Minerva (Raleigh), August 
25, 1808; Raleigh Minerva, August 23, 1810. 

30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pepper, who was somewhat less bitter in his opposition to the War 
of 1812. 81 

In presidential elections the Republicans were successful only once 
before 1815. That was in 1804 when the Federalists did not contest 
Jefferson's re-election seriously. 82 In 1808, however, the people voted 
against Madison. 83 In 1811 the legislature changed the election law 
so that Madison would receive all fifteen of the state's electoral votes; 
the right to choose electors was put into the hands of the legislature. 
Nevertheless, all but one of the eighteen representatives from the 
Fayetteville District opposed Madison in 1812. 84 Obviously, these 
Scottish farmers were dyed-in-the-wool Federalists to the end. 

From 1790 to 1815 Jefferson and his followers could usually count 
on the votes of the small farmer. The Scottish farmers along the Cape 
Fear River were small farmers, yet they showed scant enthusiasm for 
Jefferson's program. Some of the voters in Cumberland County might 
have been motivated by economic factors as Dauer and Beard claim. 
A few politicians and civic leaders held a grudge against the Repub- 
licans after they lost the capital to Raleigh. But these factors explain 
neither the overwhelming popularity that the Federalist candidates 
usually had nor the reason Republicans let so many elections go un- 
contested. Rather than economic interests or social status, ethnic and 
historical background influenced most of the voters. Their Scottish 
heritage caused them to be conservative in all things and to follow 
their leaders, with politics being no exception. Their experiences with 
the anti-Tory radicals during the Revolutionary War reinforced their 
conservatism and alienated them further from Jeffersonian democracy. 
All of these points illustrate a factor in American politics which is 
ignored too often in studies of this era— thousands upon thousands of 
votes in national elections were dictated by neighborhood feuds, local 
hatreds, state politics, and ethnic heritage. 

81 Raleigh Register and North-Carolina Gazette, March 26, 1813, May 7, 1813. 

82 Raleigh Register and North Carolina State Gazette, November 12, 22, 1804. 
83 Minerva (Raleigh), November 17, 24, 1808. 

84 William Boylan to John Steele, September 5, 1812, Wagstaff, Steele Papers, II, 




By Joseph F. Steelman* 

John Motley Morehead's election as Republican state chairman in 
1910 was calculated to appeal to the rising business and commercial 
interests that took exception to Democratic policies and leadership. 
His emergence was hailed as the inauguration of a new era in the 
political affairs of North Carolina. 1 With the transition from agricul- 
ture to industry, Morehead explained, leaders of the business com- 
munity were more inclined to think as Republicans. The elimination 
of Negro voters had "silenced the cry of white supremacy" and voters 
were enabled to reach decisions on the merits of public questions. 2 
Consequently, he envisaged steady Republican gains and inroads into 
the ranks of Democrats. 

The North Carolina Republican state convention of 1910 attracted 
national attention and its proceedings were interpreted as an augury 
of new leadership and strategy in the party ranks. Harpers Weekly 
praised the Republican reorganization and its leaders who were 
"endeavoring to make it a real party, bent on carrying elections, 
instead of a mere gang of seekers after federal offices." 3 William 
Garrott Brown could report that the "pie counter forces" had been 
"completely routed." 4 He foresaw that North Carolina would become 
"one state in which the party will have a chance to grow and in which 
its delegates to the next national convention may be chosen otherwise 
than by a clique of officeholders controlled by wire from Washing- 
ton." 5 President William Howard Taft was personally interested in 
Morehead's election as state chairman and conferred with him on a 

* Dr. Steelman is professor of history, East Carolina College, Greenville. 

1 Caucasian (Raleigh), August 25, 1910, hereinafter cited as Caucasian. 

2 John Motley Morehead, "Commercial and Political Evolution of North Carolina, 
Editorial Review (November, 1910), 1146-1153. 

* Harper's Weekly, LIV (October 29, 1910), 5. 
4 Harper's Weekly, LIV (August 20, 1910), 4. 

6 Harper's Weekly, LIV (August 13, 1910), 4. 

32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

number of occasions during the 1910 campaign. 6 But there would be 
occasions when Morehead met with frustration and delay in his 
efforts to consult with Taft. 7 The President and members of his cab- 
inet took especial interest in the state platform and in the unusually 
large number of delegates who met in Greensboro. 8 Morehead was 
embarrassed, however, by Taft's own political ineptitude and by the 
rising tide of insurgency within the party. Much to his disillusion- 
ment, Morehead found that irrelevant issues would dominate the 
state and congressional campaigns. 

Morehead intended to capitalize upon indecision among Democrats 
over tariff legislation and mounting support among lumber and textile 
interests of North Carolina in favor of protective policies. 9 He also 
hoped to attract support for Republican candidates from Democrats 
who were disillusioned by Governor William Walton Kitchin's vac- 
illating role in state politics. 10 The campaign tactics skillfully em- 
ployed by the Democrats, however, prevented Morehead from making 
effective use of these issues. The burden of the Republican campaign 
involved desperate efforts to answer charges the Democrats raised 
against Marion Butler and the bond scandals. 

There is scant evidence of close personal ties between Morehead 
and Marion Butler. Disaffected Republicans as well as Democrats 
turned their wrath upon Butler, claiming that he had engineered 
Morehead's election as state chairman, and charging that he domi- 
nated party strategy. Many Republicans vowed that Butler could 
not be trusted, and that he was a liability to the party. 11 Spencer B. 
Adams launched criminal and civil suits against Butler during the 
campaign. Thomas Settle was outspokenly hostile as was his fellow 
townsman Virgil S. Lusk. Walter Hildebrand's Asheville Daily 
Gazette took a dim view of Butler's role; so did the Greensboro Daily 
News. 12 Daniel A. Tompkins, who had considerable enthusiasm for 

6 Caucasian, August 25, 1910; John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, 
October 29, 1910, William Garrott Brown Papers, Manuscript Department, Duke 
University Library, Durham, hereinafter cited as Brown Papers. 

7 William Garrott Brown to John Motley Morehead, October 21, 1910, Brown Papers. 

8 A. Piatt Andrew to William Garrott Brown, September 19, 1910, William Garrott 
Brown to A. Piatt Andrew, September 22, 1910, and Charles D. Hilles to A. Piatt 
Andrew, June 2, 1911, Brown Papers. 

9 Greensboro Daily News, October 7, 1910; Statesville Landmark, November 4, 1910; 
Charlotte Daily Observer, November 4, 1910. 

™ Charlotte Daily Observer, October 2, 1910. 

n Willis Grandy Biggs to E. J. D. Boykin, July 1, 1910, Willis Grandy Biggs Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 

™News and Observer (Raleigh), July 30, 31, August 10, 11, October 20, November 
2, 1910, hereinafter cited as News and Observer; Caucasian, July 28, 1910; Statesville 
Landmark, September 27, 1910. 

John Motley Moeehead 


John Motley Morehead. Photograph obtained by Miss Joyce Walker of the Charlotte 
Observer from Mrs. John L. Morehead of Charlotte. 

Morehead's views on economic questions, could not tolerate Butler's 
identification with the campaign. 13 William Garrott Brown advised 
President Taft that Butler should receive no recognition from the 
Republican administration; he declared: "Butler should receive no 
recognition in any form. He is thoroughly discredited with the better 
people of the state." 14 Undaunted by hostile criticism, Butler's Cau- 
casian launched a dramatic campaign in support of Republican state 

13 Daniel Augustus Tompkins to David Klutz, October 22, 1910, Daniel Augustus 
Tompkins Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

14 William Garrott Brown to Charles Dyer Norton, October 13, 1910, Brown Papers. 

34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and congressional candidates and attempted to answer all charges 
that were hurled against Butler. 

The complicated role Butler assumed in the case of South Dakota 
v. North Carolina (1904) has been intimately related in Robert F. 
Durden's Reconstruction Bonds and Twentieth Century Politics and 
need not be retold in this context. 15 As the Durham Herald observed, 
the Democrats would have been left without an issue if Butler had 
kept out of the race. 16 His name was inseparably linked with the South 
Dakota case, and it was charged that he was engaged in a conspiracy 
to force the payment of repudiated Reconstruction bonds. The fact 
that his name had appeared in an advertisement in the New York 
Evening Post on April 28, 1905, soliciting the collection of repudiated 
bonds could not be lightly dismissed. This damaging fact was un- 
covered by the Statesville Landmark and used with telling effect in 
the campaign. 17 Butler stoutly maintained that his only connection in 
the bond case had involved the "honest portion" of the debt and that 
he refused to have anything to do with "fraudulent carpet bag 
bonds." 18 His disclaimers did not allay completely the fears of voters 
or convince them that he was not completely in control of the Repub- 
lican state organization. 19 

Morehead deplored such Democratic tactics which he described 
in the following way: 

The Democratic speakers and the Democratic papers have staked their 
all on the absurdly false and intentionally deceptive contention that Repub- 
lican success means the payment of the fraudulent state debt and abroga- 
tion of the franchise amendment of the constitution. 20 

He caustically denounced Charles B. Aycock who had intimated that 
Republicans were conniving with the bondholders. Morehead pointed 
out that the bonds could not be paid without submitting the matter 
to a popular referendum as required by the state constitution. 21 Join- 
ing the attack upon Democratic strategists Marion Butler defiantly 
challenged Furnifold Simmons to debate: "You and your party have 

15 Robert F. Durden, Reconstruction Bonds and Twentieth Century Politics : South 
Dakota v. North Carolina (Durham: Duke University Press, 1962). 

16 Morning Herald (Durham) quoted in Union Republican (Winston), October 6, 
1910; the latter paper hereinafter cited as Union Republican. 

17 Statesville Landmark, November 1, 1910. 

18 Caucasian, November 5, 1910; Greensboro Daily News, November 4, 1910. 

19 News and Observer, August 11, October 13, 29, 1910; Charlotte Daily Observer, 
August 11, 12, 1910; Statesville Landmark, August 12, 1910. 

20 Greensboro Daily News, October 19, 1910. 

21 Caucasian, October 13, 1910; Greensboro Daily News, October 8, 1910; Union 
Republican, October 13, 1910. 

John Motley Morehead 35 

raised the cry of Butler and bonds and the ghost of negro domination 
in your desperation to distract the attention of voters from your mis- 
erable record of hypocrisy and broken promises. . . ." 22 Butler boasted 
that he would meet Simmons and Josephus Daniels in debate and 
that he would "take on both at once." 23 As a parting gesture Butler 
hired a hall in Raleigh and delivered his celebrated "Raleigh Speech" 
in which he "exposed and denounced" Simmons, Daniels, and others. 24 

The task of the Republican state chairman was further complicated 
by the delay in the call of the state convention. Morehead was left 
with little time to perfect a state organization before the November 
elections. He could have interceded during the convention to demand 
the removal of Edward C. Duncan as national committeeman, but 
he refused to do so. Experience would prove that Duncan's interests 
ran counter to the wishes of the state chairman. 25 

Negro voting was injected as an issue in the campaign and ham- 
pered the Republican cause. "The man who votes the Republican 
ticket, whether he does so knowingly or not, votes to hasten the re- 
opening of the question of Negroes voting in North Carolina," de- 
clared the News and Observer. 26 It is of interest to note that Repub- 
lican strategists had other notions about Negro voting and office- 
holding. William Garrott Brown advised Taft that only a limited 
number of Negroes should exercise the franchise and was reassured 
by the President that he "agreed ... in every particular." Taft con- 

My own hope has been that the vote will be restored to the Negro after 
the division of the white vote at a time when they should become really 
eligible under proper qualifications to exercise the franchise, in such small 
numbers, however, as not to threaten control by the baser element of the 

In my inaugural address I attempted to foreshadow a policy of not mak- 
ing southern appointments from Negroes . . . that prejudice would interfere 
with the effectiveness of public servants. The appointments instead of 
helping the race from which they are made retards the growth of that race 
in its association with the whites and in the benefit that it is to derive 
from the friendship and protection of the Southern whites. 27 

22 Greensboro Daily News, October 18, 1910; Caucasian, October 20, 1910. 
28 Greensboro Daily News, October 28, 1910. 
24 Caucasian, November 5, 1910. 

26 Caucasian, November 17, 1910, April 13, 1911. 
2e News and Observer, August 20, 1910. 

27 William Howard Taft to William Garrott Brown, November 3, 1910; see also, 
William Garrott Brown to Charles Dyer Norton, October 13, 1910, and William 
Garrott Brown to William Howard Taft, November 7, 1910, Brown Papers. 

36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In spite of emphatic renunciation of Negro support, the race issue 
contributed manifestly to the decline of the Republican vote in 1910. 

Election results in 1910 indicated that the tide of votes ran strongly 
in favor of the Democratic party. Morehead's strategy and the vigorous 
support Marion Butler gave the Republican ticket apparently had 
little effect upon the outcome. All Republican congressional candi- 
dates were defeated, and only twenty party candidates were elected 
to the state House of Representatives; seven Republicans were elected 
to serve in the state Senate. The only consolation Republicans de- 
rived from the campaign was the knowledge that Democratic resur- 
gence in North Carolina was no more pronounced than in other 
states. 28 

Following the decisive losses sustained in the 1910 election, More- 
head called the Republican State Executive Committee into session 
in Greensboro on December 28, where fifteen of its twenty-one mem- 
bers who were present unanimously endorsed President Taft for 
renomination. According to the Washington Post the North Carolina 
organization was the first in the nation to endorse Taft's candidacy. 29 
Beneath this superficial harmony Morehead was seething against 
Taft's reversal of position on the handling of patronage which he de- 
clared left him "hopelessly floundering." Apparently the President 
failed to abide by the results sustained in the state convention and 
chose to continue in office one-term incumbents whose selection had 
been made by Edward C. Duncan and the "referee regime." Post- 
master General Frank H. Hitchcock had recognized Duncan and not 
the state committee in filling appointive positions. Morehead voiced 
his opposition to this strategy in a bitterly worded letter to the Presi- 
dent's secretary: "The application of this policy to North Carolina 
means a continued recognition of a system that has been officially 
repudiated by 90 percent of the Republican party of the state and, 
in my judgment, will set the party back indefinitely. . . ." 30 

Morehead maintained that Taft had deserted his "real friends" in 
the state. He confided: "To my mind, the Postmaster-General is ap- 
proaching 1912 from the standpoint of his personal control of the 
southern delegates and marketing his wares to the best possible 

28 Greensboro Daily News, December 4, 1910; Caucasian, November 23, 1911, quoting 
Morning Star (Wilmington) . 

29 Caucasian, January 5, 1911, quoting the Washington Post. 

30 John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, March 10, 1911, William Howard Taft 
Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, hereinafter cited as 
Taft Papers. 

John Motley Morehead 37 

personal advantage in case any contest arises." 31 The state chairman 
had fought successfully the "patronage controlling machine" that 
thwarted party advancement, but the President's conduct "minimized 
enormously" Morehead's efforts to rebuild the party. William Garrott 
Brown ably supported Morehead's indictment of "delegate-delivering 
machines" from southern states. 32 He called upon Taft to declare 
publicly that he would not use offices or officeholders to secure the 
nomination: "By taking such a stand at once the President would 
merely make good his own repeated public professions." 33 Athwart 
such a course stood Postmaster General Hitchcock who was accused 
of manipulating appointments in order to control the forthcoming 
Republican national convention. Such tactics in the past had "hin- 
dered . . . the movement for a real and decent Republican party in 
the South." 34 Brown suggested a presidential declaration to this effect: 
"In view of these and similar charges the President emphatically 
declares that no one is authorized in his behalf, or in behalf of his 
administration, to make any such use of the patronage; that no one 
has authority to promise patronage, or the control of patronage, in 
return for support in any convention or conventions." 35 

Such a radical proposal contemplated a veritable political revolu- 
tion and Charles D. Hilles observed that the "line of least resistance 
would be followed," which would "result in a continuance of the old 
repressive measures." 36 While Taft was impressed by Brown's "gen- 
eral policy," he was not willing to issue a "public declaration that in 
all of the southern states a radical change of policy was to prevail." 37 
Hilles explained the President's reaction to Brown's letter: "It is re- 
ceiving his attention, but he will not act on it impulsively, for it 
contemplates a revolution in a venerable system which operates in 
fourteen or fifteen states." 38 Bitterly, Brown concluded that the 
Republican party in the South did not "stand for anything in the 
nature of a principle or policy. It stands for nothing under the sun 
but an appetite for Federal pie and machinery for getting and dis- 

31 John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, March 23, 1911; see also, John Motley 
Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, April 24, 1911, Taft Papers. 

^William Garrott Brown to Editor of New York Times, January 3, 1911, William 
Garrott Brown to Henry Cabot Lodge, May 30, 1911, and Henry Cabot Lodge to 
William Garrott Brown, June 1, 1911, Brown Papers. 

33 Harper's Weekly, LV (April 22, 1911), 4. 

"Harper's Weekly, LV (May 20, 1911), 4. 

85 William Garrott Brown to William Howard Taft, May 30, 1911, Brown Papers. 

36 Charles D. Hilles to A. Piatt Andrew, June 2, 1911, Brown Papers. 

87 A. Piatt Andrew to William Garrott Brown, June 18, 1911, Brown Papers. 

88 Charles D. Hilles to William Garrott Brown, June 17, 1911, Brown Papers. 

38 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tributing it." 39 Under such circumstances it was not likely to develop 
into a formidable influence in politics. Privately, Brown continued to 
advise Morehead on Republican strategy, but he personally endorsed 
Woodrow Wilson as presidential aspirant. "You have been a Godsend 
to all of us who take our political writing seriously," he remarked. 
"Don't do as Taft did recently, after inviting my advice about his 
Southern policy, pat me on the back with a compliment and disregard 
my advice," Brown told Wilson. 40 

Morehead and his friends looked with misgiving to the approaching 
presidential campaign and the "same old fight of the old Duncan 
referee set who are bent on ruling or ruining. . . ." The "referee set," 
Gilliam Grissom remarked, were "putting in their time denouncing 
the President; as a matter of fact some of the President's appointees, 
at Duncan's suggestion, are leading the cry against him." 41 Morehead 
believed that practically every Republican identified with "the last 
State organization" was "outspoken and active in his anti-administra- 
tion activities." 42 Whether the President would heed the advice of 
the state chairman and try to cope with his adversaries was an uncer- 
tain question. 

When Duncan suddenly announced that North Carolina would 
send a solid delegation for Taft and Jeter C. Pritchard revealed 
that he and his following were "unequivocally" for the President's 
renomination, Morehead was left "in somewhat of a quandary as to 
how to proceed." With wry humor he confessed: 

The reversal of position by this element of the party rather cuts the 
ground from under our position in the State as applied to the President 

Accordingly, from the Washington end, we are, if not between the upper 
and nether stone, most certainly in mid-air. There is, however, always a 
silver lining. With the Aaron and the Moses of this faction safely herded 
within the fold, they have their footing undermined when it comes to the 
control of the next convention. I do not believe we will accomplish any 
thing further in Washington. . . . My present idea is that it is very plainly 
our business to eschew Washington, where both elements of the party will, 
no doubt, be in equal favor. . . , 43 

39 Harper's Weekly, LV (August 19, 1911), 4. 

40 William Garrott Brown to Woodrow Wilson, October 30, 1911, Brown Papers. 

41 Gilliam Grissom to William Garrott Brown, November 2, 1911, Brown Papers. 

42 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, November 14, 1911, Brown 

43 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, November 25, 1911, Brown 
Papers; see also, John Motley Morehead to [Charles D. Hilles], November 24, 1911, 
Taft Papers; Caucasian, November 23, 1911. 

John Motley Morehead 39 

The avowal of loyalty from party leaders did not silence Morehead's 
protests against the referee system. "I have been up against Hitch- 
cock, his system and the tactics of his henchmen in the State until 
I am sick, both in heart and at the stomach," he confided. Earlier 
Taft had promised to recognize the candidates for office recommended 
by the state executive committee with limited exceptions. This under- 
standing was approved by the state committee but soon Taft reversed 
this policy. "Well that knocked me off the tree entirely and com- 
pletely," Morehead related. He reported that in conference with 
Taft: "I lost my head ... he told me to moderate my voice; and I 
finally withdrew from about as awkward a situation as I ever expe- 
rienced." 44 Since the state committee and local leaders had little to 
do with distribution of the patronage it was maintained that the 
results secured in the preceding state convention had been nullified. 
"What's the use is the most natural, logical, and inevitable conclu- 
sion," observed the state chairman. 45 "The President's policy of in- 
definite, perhaps life tenure is not popular and works very great 
detriment to us in controlling the situation in the State," he advised 
Charles D. Hilles. 46 Taft's decision to support the "referee regime" 
therefore left the champions of a new order "discouraged and dis- 
heartened." Morehead proposed that all appointments be halted until 
factional disagreements were settled. In this way he hoped to keep 
incumbents in line for Taft's nomination and prevent the reversal of 
position by those who professed their loyalty to the administration. 47 

Morehead was convinced that those leaders who were suddenly 
voluble in their affirmation of loyalty to the President intended to 
"double cross" him at the opportune moment and deliver votes to 
another candidate. He confided to Hilles: "The President may pos- 
sibly recall that in 1909 I told him this crowd would gut him ... in 
the twinkling of an eye. His rejoinder was 'by God, I know it for I 
have seen them try it.' Every indication and move points this way." 
As evidence Morehead noted that the Greensboro Daily News took 
every opportunity to rap at the President, and it strenuously advo- 
cated the re-election of Senator Furnifold M. Simmons. "It gravels me 
beyond expression to see the President supinely submit to adroit 
political machinations that may mean his undoing so far as concerns 
North Carolina," Morehead protested. Theodore Roosevelt's emer- 

44 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, December 1, 1911, Brown 

45 John Motley Morehead to Z. L. M. Jeffreys, November 27, 1911, Taft Papers. 
48 John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, November 27, 1911, Taft Papers. 
47 John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, December 13, 1911, Taft Papers. 

40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

gence as a presidential candidate also occupied the thoughts of the 
state chairman as he revealed in this comment: "If this is correct- 
that Pinchot is assisting to finance the so-called LaFollette movement 
in the State— every one beyond the confines of an asylum compre- 
hends the situation." 48 

Throughout the campaign of 1912 Morehead steadfastly fought for 
the renomination and re-election of Taft. He had to contend with 
what he believed to be inept handling of the patronage, factionalism 
in the party, and the emergence of Roosevelt as a candidate of Re- 
publicans and Progressives. Morehead supported Taft largely on the 
grounds of his conservative economic policies, but the impression 
was left that the state chairman sought the adoption of the spoils 
system and was "so much occupied with the offices" that his "higher 
motives" were obscured from the public. 49 The Morehead-Duncan 
feud waxed hot as the state chairman vowed that while Duncan was 
at the White House swearing his loyalty, his friends in the state were 
busy organizing Roosevelt clubs. 50 Aware of the burgeoning Roose- 
velt campaign, Morehead and his friends secured the reassignment of 
Thomas Settle to North Carolina to participate in the Taft campaign. 51 
In a short time Settle supplied what he believed was "conclusive 
evidence" that Duncan's friends were actively organizing Roosevelt 
clubs throughout the state. 52 

On February 28 Morehead staged an elaborate banquet in Raleigh 
to honor all county chairmen, the state executive committee, and 
invited guests. It was a calculated effort to unite the party in the 
campaign and Duncan was conspicuously absent. The executive com- 
mittee by a twelve to six vote endorsed Taft's administration, but it 
failed to propose his renomination. This large gathering afforded 
Morehead another opportunity to elaborate upon his proposal for 
rebuilding the party in the state and in the South and to deride those 
"led here, there or anywhere by the halter of federal patronage." 53 
Taft's own reaction to intraparty feuding was to follow Morehead's 
earlier suggestion and to withdraw the names of ten appointees 
which had been submitted to the Senate for confirmation. 54 The Pres- 

48 John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, December 20, 1911; see also, Gilliam 
Grissom to William Garrott Brown, December 20, 1911, Brown Papers. 

* 9 William Garrott Brown to Gilliam Grissom, January 2, 1912, Brown Papers. 

60 John Motley Morehead to [Charles D. Hilles], February 9, 1912, Taft Papers. 

51 John Motley Morehead to [William Howard Taft], February 16, 20, 1912, White 
House memorandum, January 27, 1912, and Charles J. Harris to [William Howard 
Taft], February 12, 1912, Taft Papers. 

52 Thomas Settle to [William Howard Taft], March 11, 1912, Taft Papers. 

™ Caucasian, February 29, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, February 29, 1912. 

51 Caucasian, February 22, 1912; News and Observer, February 21, 29, 1912. 

John Motley Morehead 41 

ident then called Morehead and Duncan to a conference at the White 
House to discuss the withholding of appointments. 55 Morehead re- 
called that "Duncan maintained his side to the best advantage but 
was faced by facts which were so damaging that he lost his temper 
and was advised by the President to cool out a little." 56 Taft's decision 
to await the outcome of the Republican state convention before mak- 
ing further appointments indicated that he no longer followed the 
advice of the Postmaster General and national committeeman Duncan. 

Morehead's belated rapprochement with the White House was 
eclipsed by the emergence of Roosevelt as the strongest candidate in 
the race. Fully aware of Roosevelt's appeal, Morehead anticipated 
defeat in the forthcoming state convention. He expected "the tem- 
porary roll of the Convention as made up by the State Committee to 
be rejected by the Convention and this rejection will be accompanied 
by the ejection of the State Chairman and his friends." 57 

The organization of the Roosevelt movement and the challenge 
it posed to the Republican state organization will be treated in a sub- 
sequent essay on the 1912 campaign. It should be noted in this 
context, however, that Morehead acknowledged the strength of Roose- 
velt's following and accorded full representation to his supporters in 
the party convention on May 15. 58 Ironically, while Roosevelt dele- 
gates made virtually a clean sweep of the convention, they stopped 
short of removing Morehead as state chairman. He was still the titular 
leader of the party and committed to Taft's renomination. 59 

The Republican National Convention in Chicago put Morehead's 
role in an entirely different perspective. After Roosevelt delegates 
bolted the convention and nominated their leader as the Progressive 
party candidate, Morehead stoutly maintained that the Progressives 
had severed all relations with the Republican party. He declared that 
Taft was the legitimate Republican candidate and those who dis- 
avowed their support of the party leader were not entitled to serve 
as delegates or officers in further deliberations of the party. A further 
touch of irony was added as Morehead found himself increasingly in 
agreement with Edward C. Duncan and finally maneuvered his re- 
instatement as Republican national committeeman. 60 Morehead was 

65 Charles D. Hilles to John Motley Morehead, March 12, 1912, Taft Papers. 

68 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, March 19, 1912, Brown Papers. 

57 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, March 19, 1912, Brown Papers. 

68 Caucasian, May 16, 30, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, May 16, 1912; Greensboro 
Daily News, May 16, 1912; News and Observer, May 16, 1912. 

69 Caucasian, May 23, 1912. 

60 Asheville Gazette-News, September 5, 1912. 

42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fully aware of impending defeat for the party in the November elec- 
tions, but he stoutly maintained to the end that he had been consist- 
ently loyal to the party, its principles, and its nominee. He was willing 
to join with the Roosevelt organization in nominating state and county 
tickets that were acceptable to Republicans and Progressives alike, 
but he rejected all proposals of co-operation to support the "Bull 
Moose" presidential ticket. He felt justified in taking such a stand 
because of: 

. . . Mr. Roosevelt's personal declaration that he was no longer a Repub- 
lican and that no longer could the dear people look to that party for relief 
but that hereafter, He and the Progressive Party alone were to afford 
surcease from every ill of humanity from Cramp Colic to Reform of the 
Currency System. 61 

Morehead's campaign to rebuild the Republican party in North 
Carolina and make it attractive to an increasing number of voters had, 
after four years, ended on a note of bitterness, defeat, and pessimism. 
The division of the Republican party into Roosevelt and Taft factions 
made his efforts futile. 

61 John Motley Morehead to Richmond Pearson, August 28, 1912, Richmond Pearson 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 


By George H. Gibson* 

Smoldering for years under Spanish rule, the fires of rebellion again 
broke out in Cuba in October, 1868. Cubans were dissatisfied with 
the persistence of slavery on their island and discontented with the 
military and absolute government of the Spanish-appointed consul 
general. They wanted to be free in body and in spirit from the Spanish 
government. They attacked army posts by day and burned the homes 
and sugar crops of loyalists by night. Cuban exiles in the northern 
United States formed revolutionary juntas to spread propaganda, 
hold mass meetings, bribe newspapers and government officials, and 
organize filibustering expeditions for the relief of their compatriots 
in Cuba. 

The United States government was sorely tried at home to suppress 
naturalized citizens with Cuban names and insurrectionary habits and 
to patrol the seas to prevent filibustering expeditions. The government 
of the United States was pressed by Americans living in Cuba to 
denounce the destruction of American property and the imprisonment 
and execution of American citizens. 

If the United States government had been looking for a pretext for 
vengeful and aggressive hostilities with Spain and the separation of 
Cuba from Spanish sovereignty, it could have found ample opportuni- 
ties in the vexing annoyances of Cuban insurrectionary warfare. 
Although press, pulpit, and platform demanded intervention in Cuba 
on the part of the rebels, war was not to be undertaken lightly. 

In North Carolina there was no cry for war. "The Standard has 
never advocated a war with either England or Spain, or with any 
other nation, except it be to protect American citizens or to vindicate 
American honor. Let the government demand suitable apologies from 
England or Spain . . . but let no pressure hurry it into a war that is 

* Dr. Gibson is co-ordinator of the Hagley Fellowship program of the Eleutherian 
Mills-Hagley Foundation, Wilmington, Delaware; adjunct assistant professor of his- 
tory at the University of Delaware; and managing editor of Delaware History. 

44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not absolutely necessary to the honor of the nation." * The Wilmington 
Daily Journal said: "The United States is not in any condition to enter 
into any foreign war." 2 And the Newberne Daily Journal of Commerce 
declared: "To us the picture [of war] presents all the features of a 
curse, deep, dark and terrible, and none of the traits of a national 
blessing." 3 

The South was still reeling from the effects of the Civil War, and 
newspaper editors in North Carolina let it be known that the state was 
not prepared to participate so soon in another war. On the same day 
two Raleigh newspapers expounded upon the same theme. "We are 
unwilling to believe that the reflecting people of any section of our 
Union will favor war if the matter is left up to them. . . . The sad and 
bitter experience of our own domestic troubles would deter all con- 
siderate people from advocating a war with any power," declared 
the Daily Sentinel.* Echoed the Weekly North-Carolina Standard: 
"The events of our own war are still too fresh in our minds to make us 
take a step of this kind." 5 It later reasserted: "Our sympathies are with 
the Cubans, but we do not wish to see the United States entangled 
by championing any people. . . . We have just recovered from a war 
of our own." 6 

But it was not only the horrors of war which repelled North Caro- 
linians from giving active support to the Cubans; there was the horror 
of reconstruction. "With a country divided in feeling, in interest, with 
bitter memories harrowed up continuously by vindictiveness and 
oppressions and slanders; arrogance and hate on the one part en- 
gendering poverty and humiliation on the other, we can assure these 
fireside veterans that the United States is in no condition to seek a 
foreign war," said the Daily Journal. 7 To the Daily Sentinel, "the 
possession of Cuba would only extend the area of confusion and add 
to the difficulties and embarrassments of our domestic situation. We 
have quite enough to do, at present, in retrieving our finances and 
consolidating our shattered Union." 8 To this the Newhern Daily 
Times added: "We would by no means advocate war for we have all 

1 Weekly North-Carolina Standard (Raleigh), May 5, 1869, hereinafter cited as 
Weekly North-Carolina Standard. 

2 Daily Journal (Wilmington), October 9, 1869, hereinafter cited as Daily Journal. 

3 Newberne Daily Journal of Commerce, May 21, 1869, hereinafter cited as Journal 
of Commerce. 

4 Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), May 12, 1869, hereinafter cited as Daily Sentinel. 

5 Weekly North-Carolina Standard, May 12, 1869. 

6 Weekly Standard (Raleigh) , August 24, 1869, hereinafter cited as Weekly Standard. 

7 Daily Journal, April 24, 1869. 

8 Daily Sentinel, May 19, 1869. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 45 

had enough of it, and the people are tired of it, and have more 
profitable employment, in tilling the land and attending to pursuits 
... of peace." 9 

With slavery abolished and a distressing race problem persisting 
in the political reconstruction of the South, people at this time did not 
want to annex new land inhabited chiefly by peoples who would bring 
more race problems. The Morning Star (Wilmington) stated: 
"Whether an incorporation of several millions of sable citizens into 
the 'grand brotherhood of the Union' . . . will be beneficial to the 
politics of the country may well be doubted by those who have 
watched the workings of reconstruction in the Southern States." 10 
Its neighboring newspaper the Daily Journal sarcastically commented: 
"Sooner or later [Cuba] will be annexed. And then for a harvest of 
'reconstruction/ Fanatics and strong-minded females will have a rich 
field of operation in educating picaninies [sic] and clothing the freed- 
men with rights, but not much of anything else." u 

There was a revulsion in the United States to further territorial ex- 
pansion or further projection of national influence. The Weekly North- 
Carolina Standard followed this theme in stating: "To the purchase 
of Cuba we should also object, believing that the United States 
already has too much territory to need to buy more." 12 

In June, 1869, President Ulysses Simpson Grant offered the good 
offices of the United States in an effort to end the fighting between 
Cuba and Spain. He offered to settle the contest on the basis of 
abolition of slavery, Cuban independence, and an indemnity to be 
paid Spain by the Cubans and guaranteed by the United States. 13 
Spain refused to consider the proposition until the Cuban insurgents 
surrendered. 14 

Meanwhile filibustering expeditions continued to be fitted out in 
northern ports and along the Florida coast. Two editors commented 
on these expeditions. The Weekly North-Carolina Standard said: "We 
do not think it prudent or politic in our government to permit armed 
expeditions to leave our shores for purposes of aggression upon the 
rights of a nation with which we are at peace/' 15 A writer for the 

*Newbem Daily Times, June 16, 1869. 

10 Morning Star (Wilmington), January 28, 1872, hereinafter cited as Morning Star. 

11 Daily Journal, November 14, 1868. 

12 Weekly North-Carolina Standard, May 12, 1869. 

"Hamilton Fish to Daniel Edgar Sickles, June 29, 1869, House Executive Document 
Number 160, Forty-First Congress, Second Session, 13-16, hereinafter cited as House 
Executive Document Number 160. 

14 Daniel Edgar Sickles to Hamilton Fish, August 13, 1869, House Executive 
Document Number 160, 27. 

15 Weekly North-Carolina Standard, May 10, 1869. 

46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Daily Journal said that filibustering had been secretly encouraged but 
had gained little popularity with the people. 16 

Finding that support for a war with Spain could not be realized 
among the American people, avid exponents of Cuban independence 
sought to get the United States to recognize a state of belligerency 
between Spain and Cuba. This action would have given the insurgents 
some status as a government and allowed them to trade in American 
ports. It would have infuriated the Spanish government and would 
possibly have led to war. While on a Maine vacation, President Grant 
was approached by Cuban partisans who urged him to issue a procla- 
mation recognizing Cuban belligerent rights. Grant ordered Secretary 
of State Hamilton Fish to issue a proclamation to that effect which 
had already been signed. 17 Fish countersigned the proclamation but 
did not promulgate it. 18 Grant forgot about the proclamation when 
he returned to Washington. 

Agitation became more pronounced, but Fish persuaded President 
Grant that recognition of belligerency would not be in the best in- 
terest of the United States. Consequently when Grant delivered his 
first annual message on December 6, 1869, he said that "the contest 
has at no time assumed the conditions which amount to war in the 
sense of international law, or which would show the existence of 
a de facto political organization of the insurgents sufficient to justify 
a recognition of belligerency." 19 Always eager to make a strike at the 
President, the Daily Journal commented: "Upon the question of the 
Cuban revolution the President starts out to say nothing and succeeds 
most admirably. . . . We 'sympathize with all people struggling for 
liberty and self government,' or at least President Grant says we do. 
But we don't know that the assurance will do the struggling patriots 
any good." 20 

Seemingly in answer to the President's message, Representative 
Clinton Levering Cobb of North Carolina introduced the following 
resolution into the House of Representatives on December 8, 1869: 

16 Daily Journal, June 17, 1869. 

17 Joseph Vincent Fuller, "Hamilton Fish," in The American Secretaries of State and 
Their Diplomacy, edited by Samuel Flagg Bemis (New York: Alfred A. Knopf and 
Company, 10 volumes, 1928), VII, 140, hereinafter cited as Bemis, American 
Secretaries of State. 

** Senate Executive Document Number 108, Forty-First Congress, Second Session, 

19 John Bassett Moore (ed.) , A Digest of International Law (Washington: United 
States Government Printing Office, 8 volumes, 1906), I, 194, hereinafter cited as Moore, 
Digest of International Law. 

20 Daily Journal, December 8, 1869. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 47 

Resolved, That the House of Representatives participate with the people 
of the United States in the deep interest which they feel for the success 
of the republic of Cuba, struggling to establish its liberty and independ- 
ence ; and that it will give its constitutional support to the President of the 
United States whenever he may deem it expedient to recognize the sover- 
eignty and independence of said republic. 21 

Cobb's resolution was referred to committee and reported back to 
the House of Representatives in a substitute resolution when belliger- 
ency agitation came to a head in Congress in the summer of 1870. 

Secretary of State Fish urged President Grant to send a special 
message to Congress urging strict neutrality. 22 On June 13, 1870, 
Grant sent a message which stated that there had been no change in 
the Cuban rebellion which warranted recognition of the rebels. "It is 
a well-established principle of public law that a recognition by a 
foreign State of belligerent rights to insurgents under circumstances 
such as now exist in Cuba, if not justified by necessity, is a gratuitous 
demonstration of moral support to a rebellion." 23 

In spite of Grant's message, the House of Representatives on June 
16, 1870, passed by a vote of 101 to 88 a resolution calling on the 
President to grant belligerent rights to Cuba. Three North Carolina 
representatives, including the lone Democrat in the delegation, voted 
against the resolution, one voted for it, and one did not vote. 24 In the 
Senate on June 25 it was agreed that the resolution would not be 
voted upon and the matter was dropped. 25 

Before the controversy came to a head, three North Carolina news- 
papers recorded approval for the plan. The Daily Journal stated: "The 
belligerent rights of the Cubans must be recognized or they must be 
abandoned to their fate. . . . Our people sympathize with all others 
who struggle for freedom and independence." 26 The Weekly North- 
Carolina Standard hoped that the federal government would recognize 
the belligerent rights of the Cubans and give Cubans a fair field to 
work out their own destiny. 27 The Daily Sentinel also agreed: "We do 
not undertake to say that the rebels should not be recognized as 

21 Congressional Globe, Forty-First Congress, Second Session, 1869-1870 (Washing- 
ton: Office of the Congressional Globe, 109 volumes, 1834-1873), CIV, 34, hereinafter 
cited as Congressional Globe. 

22 Allan Nevins, Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration 
(New York: Dodd Mead Company, 1936), 583, hereinafter cited as Nevins, Hamilton 

23 Moore, Digest of International Law, I, 194-196. 

24 Congressional Globe, CIV, 4506-4507. 

25 Congressional Globe, CIV, 4833. 

26 Daily Journal, October 9, 1869. 

27 Weekly North-Carolina Standard, May 12, 1869. 

48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

belligerents, if they are really making strong headway against Spanish 
rule, and there is, apparently good reason for supposing that they will 
finally succeed." 28 After the President's message and the debates in 
Congress, the newspapers remained silent concerning belligerent 
rights for Cuba. 

In February, 1871, a board was established in Washington with two 
members from Spain, two members from the United States, and a 
mutually selected umpire empowered to settle disputes involving 
citizenship and indemnity rights— disputes which had plagued rela- 
tions between Spain and the United States since 1868. 29 

The Cuban rebels continued sporadic fighting and Congress re- 
turned to domestic issues. Newspaper editorials regarding Cuba be- 
came shorter and less frequent. The New Berne Times predicted that 
Cuban patriotism would yet triumph against all odds. 30 The Newherne 
Journal of Commerce declared that Cuba must be free from Spain: 
"It is doubtful, however, whether they will meet a response from 
the administration." 31 When the Cuban rebels announced they would 
burn the sugar crop, the Wilmington Morning Star exclaimed: "Let 
the torch flame and their sugar fields become the funeral pyre of 
Spanish rule in America. Spain will deserve it." 32 The editor of the 
Salisbury Old North State thought that "between the blunder of 
Spanish policies at home and military leaders abroad" the island 
would secure its independence. 33 As the rebellion dragged on the 
Newbern Daily Times said: "The prolonged contest gives renewed 
hope of victory to the cause of the struggling Cubans, and the sym- 
pathies of all lovers of freedom, justice and right, are with them." 34 

The Weekly Standard stated: "If Congress shall be satisfied that 
the time has arrived for the government to recognize Cuba as an in- 
dependent government, it will be done— no one will rejoice more than 
we— for our sympathies are with her, and we believe the sympathies 
of nine-tenths of our people are on her side." 35 The Wilmington 
Morning Star made the odds even higher by stating that Cuba had a 
thousand sympathizers in the United States where Spain had one. 36 

28 Daily Sentinel, May 10, 1869. 

29 French Ensor Chadwick, The Relations of the United States and Spain: Diplomacy 
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), 269. 

30 New Berne Times, June 8, 1873. 

31 Journal of Commerce, September 14, 1869. 

32 Morning Star, November 11, 1869. 

33 Old North State (Salisbury), November 19, 1869. 

34 Newbern Daily Times, November 17, 1869. 

35 Weekly Standard, December 6, 1869. 
'"Morning Star, January 7, 1872. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 49 

Claims and counterclaims poured from Cuba in an unending and 
ever-widening stream. The New Berne Times once made this com- 
ment: "The latest news from the Island is so contradictory in charac- 
ter, that but little importance is attached to it." 37 The rebellion had 
been going on for five years and had become stale when a situation 
developed that caused the whole United States to take notice. Cuba 
leaped back into print with the "Virginius" affair. 

On October 31, 1873, between Jamaica and Cuba, a Spanish war- 
ship ran down the United States steamer "Virginius" and took it to 
Santiago, Cuba. On November 6 and 7, fifty-three of the steamer's 
crew of seventy-one were executed as pirates. Thirty-six of those 
executed were American citizens. Captain Lambton Lorraine of the 
British warship "Niobe" sailed into Santiago harbor, trained his guns 
on the city, and prevented the execution of the rest of the crew. 

There was an outburst of anger across the United States and indig- 
nation meetings were held in northern cities. The Cuban juntas, 
hopeful of American intervention in Cuba, capitalized on the incident. 
Excitement ran high in Spain also, and a mob was restrained from 
sacking the American legation in Madrid. 

On November 12, Hamilton Fish telegraphed the chief of the 
legation to protest to the Spanish government and demand ample 
reparations, but he also expressed grave doubt as to the ship's right 
to fly the American flag or carry American papers. 38 Two days later 
he requested the chief of the legation to present formal demands to 
the Spanish prime minister. The United States demanded restoration 
of the "Virginius," release and delivery to the United States of the 
surviving crew members, a salute to the American flag in Santiago, 
and punishment of the officials responsible for the incident. The 
Spanish government was given twelve days to comply. 39 

North Carolina newspapers were full of advice as to how to handle 
the situation. The Daily Journal said: "We trust the President will 
. . . inaugurate a policy that by its recognition of the Cubans as 
belligerents . . . will force the Spanish government to observe the 
laws of civilized warfare." It suggested that the government not say 
too much, however, lest the Spanish quote as a precedent for their 
action the military tribunal which tried the assassins of Abraham 

37 New Berne Times, July 20, 1873. 

38 Hamilton Fish to Daniel Edgar Sickles, November 12, 1873, House Executive 
Document Number 30, Forty-Third Congress, First Session, 20, hereinafter cited as 
House Executive Document Number 30. 

39 Hamilton Fish to Daniel Edgar Sickles, November 14, 1873, House Executive 
Document Number 30, 29. 

50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lincoln. 40 The Wilmington Morning Star said: "We wish to see the 
government acting with the honorable traditions of the country and 
with a little less vacillation, imbecility, and cowardice." 41 The next 
day the newspaper asked: "Now what will be government do? Shall 
we have more fishy diplomacy, weak apologies for Spain, toleration 
of insults; or will Grant make a dignified demand upon the [Spanish] 
Government for the punishment of the officials responsible for the 
butcheries at Santiago and guaranties for the safety of American 
citizens in the future?" 42 Another editorial continued the same theme: 
'[Grant] has but one honorable course before him— ask the Spanish 
government to punish [General Juan] Burriel and the others guilty 
of the inhuman deed of the 6th and 7th of November; to restrain 
the volunteers and to protect American interests in the island." 43 A 
week later the Wilmington Morning Star concluded: "The feeling all 
over the country is unmistakable; it is a feeling that Cuba must be 
free from Spain. . . . No course is open but one which shall vindicate 
the insulted honor and majesty of our great nation. . . ." 44 

The Daily Journal suggested: "The officials engaged in the mas- 
sacre . . . ought to be punished in the most signal, if not summary 
manner. A simple apology . . . will only be adding insult to injury." 45 
And the Daily Sentinel added: "The butchery was hasty and vengeful. 
. . . We do not expect war to follow this outrage upon our flag and 
the shooting of citizens of the United States, but we will be surprised 
if it does not eventuate in the safety and independence of Cuba." 46 
A few days later the Daily Sentinel concluded: "If the Spanish author- 
ities have committed an outrage on American citizens . . . they should 
be held to strict accountability, and the settlement should be promptly 
demanded, but with becoming dignity. There will be no war. . . ." 47 

A small war would undoubtedly have been successful. No European 
power would have protested a war; American forces would have met 
little resistance from Spain; a war would have pulled the United 
States out of the industrial depression of 1873. There were better 
reasons, however, for staying out of war, large or small. The horrors 
of the Civil War were still fresh in the minds of the people; the 
United States had no pressing desire to annex Cuba; there were 

40 Daily Journal, November 9, 1873. 

41 Morning Star, November 15, 1873. 

42 Morning Star, November 16, 1873. 

43 Morning Star, November 16, 1873. 

44 Morning Star, November 23, 1873. 

45 Daily Journal, November 11, 1873. 

46 Daily Sentinel, November 14, 1873. 

47 Daily Sentinel, November 18, 1873. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 51 

internal problems including the industrial panic of 1873; the navy 
was decrepit; and there was a dubious character to the steamer 

Newspapers in North Carolina reflected the desire to stay out of 
war. "A war with Spain should be avoided if possible . . . ," said the 
Salisbury Carolina Watchman** "An appeal to war is a serious, a 
terrible thing, and every just and wise government will consider well 
and exhaust every honorable means before embarking on it. We hope 
war will be averted," the Daily Sentinel declared. 49 Two days later 
it said that "as to the annexation of Cuba we are utterly opposed to 
it. We hope war will be averted ... for this generation at least has 
had enough of carnage and suffering and oppression." 50 In the same 
issue, but in another editorial, it attacked those desiring war by say- 
ing: "The adventurers and carpet-bag gentry, not to speak of the 
fanatical sentimentalists— the same old horde of Negro-worshippers 
who succeeded in whelming the North and South in war and desola- 
tion—will not be satisfied with calmness, peace, and wisdom." 51 

The Daily Journal declared: "No American . . . can expect the 
government to hastily resort to war in the absence of well-ascertained 
facts." 52 But several days later it stated: ". . . it is difficult to see how, 
in accordance with the code of honor observed among nations, the 
relations existing between the United States and Spain, can any 
longer remain peaceful. ... If war comes, it will not come of any 
precipitate action on the part of the Federal Government." 53 The 
Morning Star warned: "If Spain resolves upon war, averse as the 
average American mind is to anything of the sort, she can have it, 
just as much as she pleases and may be a little more." 54 

The North Carolina General Assembly was in session at Raleigh 
during all the uproar over the "Virginius" and one representative was 
led to introduce the following joint resolution on November 20: 

Now therefore the General Assembly of North Carolina do Resolve, that 
in their opinion it has now become the duty of the government of the 
United States to recognize the belligerent rights of the patriot army, and 
to demand ample reparation for the outrage offered to its flag, and swift 
punishment on the murderers of its citizens. 55 

^Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), November 20, 1873. 
48 "Daily Sentinel, November 23, 1873. 

50 Daily Sentinel, November 25, 1873. 

51 Daily Sentinel, November 25, 1873. 

52 Daily Journal, November 23, 1873. 

53 Daily Journal, November 26, 1873. 

54 Morning Star, November 22, 1873. 

55 Daily Sentinel, November 21, 1873. 

52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The resolution was referred to the committee on propositions and 
grievances but was not reported out of committee. 56 The same reso- 
lution was introduced into the Senate, but a committee recommended 
that it not pass. 57 

A reporter for the Daily Journal interviewed United States Senator 
Augustus Summerfield Merrimon from North Carolina regarding the 
"Virginius" affair, and he was quoted as saying: 

I am not sufficiently and accurately in possession of the facts connected 
with the capture of the Virginius to express an opinion as to what definite 
action our government ought to take in reference to the same. But I am 
prepared to say that the rights, dignity and honor of the government and 
our flag shall be fully vindicated, and the government shall do all it may 
lawfully do to punish those who have so grossly outraged humanity and 
civilization. I am in favor of firm and cautious, but decided action. I would 
not take any advantage of the embarrassed condition of the Spanish gov- 
ernment, but would deal with that government and Cuba as with the 
greatest power now unembarrassed. 58 

As the American investigation of the "Virginius" progressed, more 
and more facts were uncovered which reflected on the dubious 
nature of the ship and character of the crew. The ship was owned by 
Cubans and was using American papers secured by perjury and 
fraud and was flying the American flag illegally. The ship had run 
arms and supplies to a short-lived Venezuelan revolution and was 
carrying revolutionists and munitions to Cuba when seized. The 
Spanish released the "Virginius" to American authorities, and it 
foundered and sank while being towed to New York. The surviving 
members of the crew were released, and the Spanish government 
paid an indemnity of $80,000 to be divided among the survivors of 
the executed crewmen. The demand for a salute to the United States 
flag was dropped when it was discovered that the "Virginius" had 
flown the flag illegally. General Burriel who ordered the execution 
of the crew was never tried but promoted to major general in 1875. 59 

The Morning Star summed up the whole affair and expressed the 
relief of the United States that the incident was concluded. "Doubt- 
less Mr. Fish and his circle enjoy keen satisfaction in being rid on 
such easy terms of further trouble as to the steamer. They will find 

58 Journal of the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of the State of 
North Carolina at Its Session of 1872-1873, 26, hereinafter cited as House Journal. 

57 Journal of the Senate of the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina at 
Its Session of 1872-1873, 108, hereinafter cited as Senate Journal. 

58 Daily Journal, November 25, 1873. 

59 Nevins, Hamilton Fish, 685-688. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 


The "Virginius" at sea, from a sketch by a Cuban officer. From Harper's Weekly, 
November 29, 1873. 

some way to slip out of embarrassment in the prosecution of the 



The Cuban question slipped quietly out of the news and was not 
heard from again although the rebellion dragged on for another five 
years. The coming of Alfonso XII to the throne of Spain in 1878 
stopped the civil war which had been going on in that country. This 
enabled the government to release forces in Spain for use against 
the Cubans. The insurrectionists were quickly subdued and peace 
came suddenly. 

If newspapers are an accurate thermometer of the heat of public 
passions, North Carolinians were too close to the horrors of war and 
too stunned by the shock of reconstruction to warm to the idea of 
war with Spain to secure the aims of the Cuban rebellion of 1868. 
Representatives of the Old North State in Washington and Raleigh 
and editorialists from Salisbury to Wilmington were willing for the 
United States to grant Cuban rebels the rights of belligerents or even 
to recognize the fact of independence when the signs were right, but 
they would not risk war. The "Virginius" affair of 1873 bred no 
trigger-happy Carolinians sensitive to national slights. North Caro- 
lina was slow to anger and quick to accept the actions and explana- 
tions of the Spanish and American governments. 

The relations between Spain and the United States during the 
next fifteen years were marked with less controversy than any pre- 

60 Morning Star, December 31, 1873. 

54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vious period. 61 Except for quoting cotton prices in Havana and 
reporting the occasional late arrival of a mail ship from that city, 
North Carolina newspapers seldom mentioned Cuba during the 
period from 1879 to 1894. 

Cuba had a long record of misrule and discontent when the United 
States Congress passed the Wilson-Gorman Tariff in 1894. The tariff 
wiped out a reciprocity agreement with Spain and replaced it with 
relatively high duties on sugar. Economic prostration gripped the 
island and on February 24, 1896, the Cubans once again unfurled 
the banner of rebellion. 

The rebels, no less cruel than the loyalists, adopted the policy of 
devastating the island so that Spain would be willing to withdraw. 
They destroyed American property hoping to force American inter- 
vention in the rebellion. Cuban juntas in the United States described 
the Spanish in the worst possible terms and glossed over the fact that 
the rebels were guilty of crimes similar to those attributed to the 
Spanish. More than seventy filibustering expeditions were organized 
among Cuban sympathizers in the United States, but only twenty- 
seven managed to elude the American navy and revenue cutters. 

Many Americans friendly to the ideals of liberty, democracy, and 
independence thrilled to the cry of Cuba Libre! The United States 
had not engaged in war since 1865. and no foreign war since 1848. 
The younger generation was tired of just hearing about war and 
wanted to experience it. The United States had recovered from the 
panic of 1893 and prosperity had begun. Some felt the United States 
must expand or explode. 

North Carolina showed no lack of sympathy for the rebels. The 
North Carolinian declared: "We think the time has come for this 
country to show an active sympathy for those neighbors of ours who 
are making such a bold stand for their independence." 62 And the 
Pittsboro Chatham Record said: "The Cubans are likely, at last, to 
gain their independence and make their fertile island a Republic. . . . 
The people of the United States very generally wish them success." 63 

Editorialists had no designs on Cuba as the following quotations 
indicate. "But Cuba will be free, if Uncle Sam says so. Watch our 

61 James Morton Callahan, Cuba and International Relations (Baltimore: Johns 
Hopkins Press, 1899), 453. 

62 North Carolinian (Raleigh), November 19, 1895. 

68 Chatham Record (Pittsboro), January 9, 1896, hereinafter cited as Chatham 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 55 

prediction." 64 "Cuba will yet throw off the Spanish yoke." 65 The 
Raleigh News and Observer concluded: "We believe that the people 
of the United States ought to guarantee independence to Hawaii and 
Cuba, but we want no more negro States in the American Republic." 66 

The rebellion dragged on and the Spanish government decided to 
try more energetic action. It sent General Valeriano Weyler to Cuba 
in February, 1896. Weyler decided to put the Cubans in concentration 
camps in order that they might be more easily controlled. Under poor 
sanitary conditions Cubans died by the scores. The Lenoir Topic as- 
serted: "If recognition on the part of the United States government 
will prevent the wholesale murder of prisoners of war, then for the 
sake of humanity, it is the duty of Congress to at once recognize the 
Republic of Cuba." 67 A Durham newspaper thought it saw some 
relief for the Cuban rebels when it discovered: "Reinforcement for 
the Cuban patriots has at last arrived. It is the yellow fever, which is 
killing Spaniards by the thousands." 68 But the Chatham Record com- 
plained that it seemed that Congress was more anxious to relieve the 
Cubans than "to afford relief to our own country and people." 69 

The United States soon became more vocal in its protests against 
the ruthless tactics of "Butcher" Weyler and his concentration camps. 
As a first step it was widely urged that the Cuban revolutionary gov- 
ernment be granted belligerent rights. In accordance with this, the 
Congress of the United States took action on a resolution granting 
Cuba these rights: 

Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring) , That, 
in the opinion of Congress, a condition of public war exists between the 
Government of Spain and the Government proclaimed and for some time 
maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba ; and that the United 
States of America should maintain a strict neutrality between the con- 
tending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the 
ports and territories of the United States. Resolved further, That the 
friendly offices of the United States should be offered by the President to 
the Spanish Government for the recognition of the independence of Cuba. 70 

64 Orange County Observer (Hillsborough) , March 7, 1896, hereinafter cited as 
Orange County Observer. 

65 Alamance Gleaner (Graham), April 2, 1896, hereinafter cited as Alamance 

66 News and Observer (Raleigh), December 1, 1896, hereinafter cited as News and 

67 Lenoir Topic, April 8, 1896. 

68 Morning Herald (Durham), July 16, 1896. 

69 Chatham Record, December 24, 1896. 

70 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session, 1895-1896 (Washing- 
ton: Government Printing Office, 1873 ), XXVIII, 2256, 2257, hereinafter cited as 

Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session. 

56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This resolution was adopted by the Senate on February 28, 1896, 
with North Carolina's two Senators, one Republican and one Populist, 
voting for the resolution. 71 The resolution was considered in the House 
of Representatives and was adopted by that body on April 6, 1896, 
by a vote of 247 for, 27 against, and 80 not voting. Five North Caro- 
lina Representatives (one Democrat, two Populists, and two Repub- 
licans) voted for the action, one (a Democrat) voted no, and three 
(all Democrats) were recorded as not voting. 72 

The Congressional Record printed three petitions from North Caro- 
lina regarding belligerent rights for Cuba. On January 13, 1896, there 
was presented a "petition [of citizens of North Carolina] for the 
recognition of the insurgent Cubans as belligerents in their struggle 
for freedom." 73 On January 16, 1896, the House of Representatives 
received a "Petition of G. H. Brown, Jr., and 19 other Citizens of 
Washington, N..C, asking for the speedy recognition as belligerents 
of the Cuban patriots in their struggle for freedom." 74 On June 28, 
1897, the House was presented with the "Petition of T. H. Hathcock, 
mayor of Norwood, N. C, and 579 citizens of Norwood and vicinity, 
favoring the passage of a Senate resolution giving belligerent rights 
to suffering Cuba." 75 

In the North Carolina General Assembly Thomas H. Sutton of 
Fayetteville offered a joint resolution requesting Congress to grant 
belligerent rights to Cuba. The resolution was passed by the House 76 
and sent to the Senate where a substitute resolution expressing sym- 
pathy for Cuba was placed on the calendar but not considered. 77 

The editor of the News and Observer stated: "Looking at the 
logical consequence of the action of Congress, I say that from this 
day dates the absolute freedom of Cuba." 78 The Alamance Gleaner 
thought it might or might not have been the proper thing for Con- 
gress to pass a resolution to recognize the Cubans, but "on that 
account it is barely possible that the United States and Spain will go 
to war." 79 In its judgment there was "a growing sentiment in favor 
of recognizing by the United States the belligerency of Cuba 

" 80 

71 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session, XXVIII, 2257. 

72 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session, XXVIII, 2, 628. 

73 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session, XXVIII, 642. 
7i Congressional Record, Fifty-Fourth Congress, First Session, XXVIII, 757. 

75 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, First Session, 1897, XXX, 2085. 

76 House Journal, 1896-1897, 13, 24. 

77 Senate Journal, 1896-1897, 80. 

78 News and Observer, March 6, 1896. 

79 Alamance Gleaner, March 5, 1896. 

80 Alamance Gleaner, December 10, 1896. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 57 

President Grover Cleveland, however, was against granting bellig- 
erent rights to Cuba, but he did take the suggestion of Congress to 
offer his good offices to Spain for settling the dispute. Secretary of 
State Richard Olney gave the Spaniards an opportunity to accept 
American mediation to end the contest and also assured them that 
the United States had no designs on Spanish sovereignty. 81 The offer 
was not accepted. 

On December 7, 1896, in his last annual message to Congress, 
President Cleveland stated that the situation could arise between 
Spain and Cuba "in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain 
will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesi- 
tate to recognize and discharge." He warned that intervention would 
be inevitable if the struggle continued to "degenerate into senseless 
slaughter." 82 

The News and Observer said the message was "most disappointing," 
for the time had come "to recognize belligerency and thereby help 
to achieve Cuban independence." 83 The Chatham Record did not 
like the veiled threat of war and stated: "The people of the United 
States have had enough of war and its far reaching effects, and they 
are not anxious to engage in another war." 84 The Charlotte Daily 
Observer expressed the general opinion as indicated in newspapers in 
the state when it declared: 

Obediently to the instincts of our people, American sympathy goes out to 
any people anywhere who are struggling for their freedom ; it does go out 
to Cuba in full measure, increased by the barbarity which the Cubans 
have suffered at the hands of Governor General Weyler; but how much 
better if, by our good offices, autonomy or freedom can be secured for the 
island, than that either should come by hostile interference, followed by 
war ! 85 

When William McKinley assumed the office of President of the 
United States in March, 1897, the tactics of General Weyler in Cuba 
were producing results, for the insurrectionists were slowly losing out 
and the struggle was reduced to sporadic raids and uprisings. The 

81 Richard Olney to Dupuy de Lome, April 4, 1896, Papers Relating to the Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 1896 (Washington: United States Government Printing 
Office, 1861—), 540-544. 

82 James Daniel Richardson (comp.), A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of 
the Presidents, 1789-1897 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 10 
volumes, 1897), IX, 714-745, hereinafter cited as Richardson, Messages and Papers. 

83 News and Observer, December 8, 1896. 

84 Chatham Record, December 24, 1896. 

65 Charlotte Daily Observer, November 12, 1897. 

58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

results were so satisfactory that when a new liberal ministry assumed 
office in Spain in October, 1897, it was able to loosen its hold on Cuba. 
General Weyler was recalled; the concentration camp scheme was 
modified; imprisoned American citizens were released; and a measure 
of limited autonomy was granted the Cubans. 

Although the rebels were somewhat mollified by this action on the 
part of the Spanish government, the loyalists in Cuba were indignant. 
Riots broke out in Havana on January 12, 1898, in protest of the 
government's lenient treatment of the rebels. The rebels joined in and 
the country was aflame again. The American consul general in 
Havana, General Fitzhugh Lee, had suggested that ships be in read- 
iness at Key West to protect American lives and property if necessary. 
On January 13 he telegraphed that "ships may be necessary later but 
not now." Despite this message and the quieting of the mob, the 
United States battleship "Maine" was sent to Havana on January 
24. 86 The New Bern Daily Journal remarked: "It is not interference 
for gain or applause, but one which every Christian nation expects of 
the United States, thus putting a prompt stop to further warfare in 
Cuba." 87 

The situation became quiet on the news front until February 9 
when a New York newspaper published a letter written by Dupuy 
de Lome, Spanish minister to the United States, making uncompli- 
mentary remarks about President McKinley's annual message to Con- 
gress. It said in part: 

Besides the ingrained and inevitable bluntness with which is repeated all 
that the press and public opinion in Spain have said about Weyler, it once 
more shows that McKinley is, weak and a bidder for the admiration of the 
crowd, besides being a would-be politician who tries to leave a door open 
behind himself while keeping on good terms with the jingoes of his party. 88 

The letter had been stolen by a Cuban sympathizer and was probably 
written during the middle of December, 1897. De Lome resigned 
from office before being asked. 

The News and Observer was not upset about the letter but com- 
mented: "De Lome told the truth. It is true that de Lome's letter, 
which he never expected to be printed, was only in line with what 
the newspapers of this country say of Mr. McKinley every day. The 

86 Lester Burrell Shippee and Royal B. Way, "William Rufus Day," in Bemis, 
American Secretaries of State, IX, 64. 

87 Daily Journal (New Bern), January 18, 1898. 

88 Dupuy de Lome to Jose Canalejas, undated, Moore, Digest of International Law. 
VI, 176. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 59 

crime was in a foreigner . . . presuming to write as Americans write." 
The paper then went on to criticize the administration. "With Cuba, 
bleeding and starving at our very door, this administration has not 
given a thought to it, but has bent all its energies to annex the sugar 
plantations and lepers on the Sandwich Islands." 89 

The de Lome incident was soon followed by a new sensation. On 
February 15, 1898, a terrific explosion sank the battleship "Maine," 
anchored in Havana harbor, with a loss of 260 officers and men. The 
captain of the "Maine" hastily requested the American public to 
withhold judgment until an official inquiry could be made. 

The yellow newspapers in the northern cities began fabricating 
stories about Spanish responsibility for the explosion, but North Caro- 
lina's newspapers decided to wait for the results of the investigation 
before passing judgment. The Fayetteville Observer declared: "The 
truth is, a vast deal of the utmost rubbish has been printed in connec- 
tion with the matter of the news of the Maine explosion, which news- 
paper men ought to be ashamed of. The comparison made with the 
great dailies of New York are the veriest nonsense . . . some of them 
have calculated upon the North Carolina public's ignorance of the 
facts." 90 The New Bern Daily Journal observed: "In spite of the 
jingoes, and the class of yellow journalism which would rush this 
country into a foreign war, in order that their 'accounts' of the situa- 
tion might thereby be verified, the masses of the people are not . . . 
fearful of Spain rushing over and taking possession of the United 
States." 91 

Several newspapers declared they did not hold Spain responsible 
for the disaster. The News and Observer counseled "calmness and 
cool judgment" and stated: "Opinion now leans less against the theory 
of Spanish treachery." 92 The New Bern Daily Journal said it was 
"probably an accident." 93 Said the Fayetteville Observer: "There are 
very few who are willing to express themselves as believing that the 
Spanish government had anything to do with it." 94 

The New Bern Daily Journal 95 and Fayetteville Observer™ also 
declared that if Spain were found to be responsible, it should pay 
reparations and not be allowed to make a simple disavowal of the fact. 

89 News and Observer, February 11, 1898. 

90 Fayetteville Observer, March 5, 1898. 

01 Daily Journal (New Bern), March 11, 1898. 

02 News and Observer, February 17, 1898. 

93 Daily Journal (New Bern) , February 18, 1898. 

94 Fayetteville Observer, February 24, 1898. 

95 Daily Journal (New Bern), March 4, March 8, 1898. 
96 Fayetteville Observer, February 26, 1898. 

60 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

But there was war talk in the air by more aggressive persons and 
more aggressive northern newspapers. Many newspapers and people 
throughout the country, however, did not want a war if it could be 
honorably avoided. The Alamance Gleaner stated: "We should be 
glad to see the trouble settled without resort to arms, but the struggle 
of the Cubans has greatly wrought up the Americans, and the de- 
struction of the Maine has greatly intensified the feeling that to avert 
a clash would almost seem miraculous." 97 James M. Pou, ex-chairman 
of the Democratic state executive committee, was quoted as saying: 
"While I can't say we will certainly have war, we are closer to it than 
we have been [in thirty years] . It is very much in the interest of the 
people of the United States and of the Southern people, and of Dem- 
ocrats especially, for peace to be maintained if it can be honorably. 
. . ," 98 The Orange County Observer declared: "It begins to look like 
war, and it may be sooner than expected. But we hope not." 99 Kings 
Weekly explained: "War appears to be at hand, but it is hoped it may 
be averted/' 100 

The Alamance Gleaner suspected that the South was more calm 
than the rest of the nation when it said: 

We do not think there are any considerable number of Southern people 
who personally want to go to war, and though we are supposed to be a hot- 
headed mercurial people, there is no section of the country in which less 
national bluster is being indulged at present. 

The South maintains special calmness at this time of strained relations 
with Spain. . . . The people are resolved to stand by the government. . . . 
They are not losing their heads in bellicose excitement. They are waiting 
coolly and in a judicious frame of mind and making no snap judgments. 101 

Meanwhile, the United States Congress unanimously voted $50,- 
000,000 for war preparations on March 9. 102 A few days before, North 
Carolina had its first volunteer in case of emergency. In a letter to 
Governor Daniel L. Russell, W. H. Keen stated: "Believing the 
struggle of the Cubans to be the bravest in history and appreciating 
the fact that humanity's call cannot be stifled, I hereby tender my 

97 Alamance Gleaner, February 24, 1898. 

98 News and Observer, March 9, 1898. 

99 Orange County Observer, March 10, 1898. 

100 King's Weekly (Greenville), March 18, 1898, hereinafter cited as King's Weekly. 

101 Alamance Gleaner, March 17, 1898. 

102 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session, 1897-1898, XXXI, 
2631, hereinafter cited as Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 61 

services to America, if war with Spain comes. . . ." 103 The States ville 
Landmark interviewed Colonel John Jenkins, a veteran of the Civil 
War, who stated: "The United States is on the verge of a three year's 
war. The proof is in the fact that for several years past the corn 
blades first appearing in the cornfields have been split into three 
prongs at the end, and that each prong is in the shape of a sword with 
a keen edge. This means war and the three prongs signify that it will 
last three years." 104 

The theme of war if necessary was further developed by the News 
and Observer. "The South prays that there will not be necessity of war 
to preserve the National honor, but if war is declared it will not be 
wanting in patriotic devotion to the flag." 105 Said the Fayetteville 
Observer: "Everyone agrees that if the public honor is involved, we 
must not shrink from war. But war is, indeed, a terrible thing. [War 
brings] death, wounds, suffering, colossal debts, and a strengthening 
of the central authority." 106 The Lenoir Topic exclaimed rhetorically: 
"Yes, war is butchery and destruction, but just as long as there is a 
government as wicked as Spain or an individual as treacherous as a 
Spaniard, just so long will war be an awful necessity." 107 

As the naval inquiry into the sinking of the "Maine" stretched on, 
the New Bern Daily Journal declared: "The delay in the Administra- 
tion taking speedy action in the Cuban matter is becoming unbear- 
able to the people. Action and speedy action in the final settlement of 
Cuban independence is demanded by everyone in the United 
States." 108 

The waiting came to an end on March 28, 1898, when the American 
Court of Inquiry composed of United States Navy officers allowed its 
report to be published. After careful investigation, interviews with 
survivors, and underwater exploration, it was announced that the 
"Maine" was blown up by a submarine mine on the outside of the 
vessel. The report clearly stated that the person or nation responsible 
had not been determined, 109 but nearly everyone suspected Spain and 
the press in New York crowed: "We told you so!" This report was 

103 W. H. Keen to Daniel L. Russell, March 4, 1898, Times-Visitor (Raleigh), March 
5, 1898. 

104 Landmark (Statesville), March 10, 1898. 

105 News and Observer, March 5, 1898. 

108 Fayetteville Observer, March 7, 1898. 
107 Lenoir Topic, March 23, 1898. 

108 Daily Journal (New Bern), March 24, 1898. 

109 Message From the President of the United States Transmitting the Report of the 
Naval Court of Inquiry Upon the Destruction of the United States Battle Ship Maine 
in Havana Harbor, February 15, 1898, Together With the Testimony Taken Before 
the Court (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1898), 5. 

62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

clearly the most important single precipitant of the war with Spain. 
For those tottering with indecision this was the cause of their falling 
into ranks and marching to war. The News and Observer barked 
commands, ". . . North Carolina is for war— if war be the only thing 
by which the Cuban butcheries can be stopped and the island 
freed/' 110 Two days later it cried: "Let us have war." 111 But the New 
Bern Daily Journal felt there was "in reality but a very small number 
of people in the United States who desire a war with Spain. But 
while this is true, there is equally a small number who desire peace 
if it must be had at the sacrifice of our principles." 112 The Fayetteville 
Observer summed it up in one sentence: "Cuba free, without war, if 
possible; Cuba free, with war, if necessary." 113 "So far as the popular 
sentiment can be found," said the New Bern Daily Journal, "there is 
no question but that few people actually favor war. . . . The feeling 
is that Cuban Independence should become an accomplished fact." 114 
At the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, the weekly 
newspaper solemnly declared: 

Believing in the wisdom of our national officers we feel that we shall not 
be hurled into a war that is unjust, nor yet allowed to see our flag dis- 
honored. ... If peace is preserved, we shall thank God for it ; if we must 
iight, none are more ready to don martial garb than are the sons of the 
University of North Carolina. 115 

President McKinley, however, was not committed to war if diplo- 
macy could achieve the desired results. Consequently, Secretary of 
State William Rufus Day cabled United States minister to Spain 
Stewart L. Woodford what were considered to be indispensable con- 
cessions for keeping peace. The United States government demanded 
that Spain grant an armistice to the Cuban insurgents to last until 
October 1 and revoke the concentration camp orders. If possible, 
McKinley wanted the Spanish to appoint the President of the United 
States as final arbiter in the matter if there were no peace settlement 
by October l. 116 Woodford replied on March 31, "I believe the minis- 
ters are ready to go as far and as fast as they can and still save the 

U0 News and Observer, March 29, 1898. 
111 News and Observer, March 31, 1898. 

132 Daily Journal (New Bern), March 30, 1898. 

ns Fayetteville Observer, April 2, 1898. 

114 Daily Journal (New Bern), April 3, 1898. 

125 Tar Heel (Chapel Hill), April 5, 1898. 

ua William Rufus Day to Stewart L. Woodford, March 27, 1898, Papers Relating to 
the Foreign Affairs of the United States, 1898 (Washington: United States Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1901) , 712, hereinafter cited as Foreign Relations, 1898. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 63 

dynasty here in Spain. They know that Cuba is lost. Public opinion 
in Spain has moved steadily toward peace." 11T On April 5 the Spanish 
government agreed to the second American demand and on April 9 
agreed to the first demand for such a time as it thought prudent. This 
was a substantial diplomatic victory, but it was not enough. 

The News and Observer observed that "it would seem this morning 
that [peace] were in sight. Yet not altogether so, for the American 
mind has not yet settled down to the ways of peace." 118 The next day 
it said: "Yesterday relying upon the assurances of Spain, the people 
of the United States had accepted, sulkily too, the outlook for peace. 
But [today] it looks all the other way." 119 

McKinley abhorred the thought of war, but he was moved by the 
growing inhumanity of the Cuban struggle. He had little faith in 
Spanish promises or their ability to carry them out. The insurgents 
had not accepted the armistice terms. McKinley believed that Spain 
would eventually grant Cuba its independence, but the United States 
would not wait. Fall elections were approaching, and the Republicans 
feared a Democratic campaign on Free Cuba and Free Silver. 

President McKinley, therefore, on April 11, 1898, sent a war mes- 
sage to Congress. He said that rebellion in Cuba was an abating 
nuisance off the American shore. He cited the country's obligation 
to protect American property and trade with Cuba. He called for an 
end to the disturbance which had been a menace to United States 
peace. He then asked Congress to give "just and careful attention" 
to the Spanish concessions to his demands. 120 

"What Americans want now is action, and they want it quickly, so 
as to have done with the whole Spanish business," said the Raleigh 
News and Observer. 121 "The war against Spain has as its basis the real, 
practical events of every day life,— the preservation of honor, the cause 
of humanity and the adjustment and maintenance of human rights," 
said the New Bern Daily Journal. 122 

Now the decision was up to Congress. Senator Jeter Connelly 
Pritchard of North Carolina declared: "I have sympathized all the 
time with the Cubans in their struggle for liberty and home rule." A 
short time later he said: "While the people of the South realize the 

117 Stewart L. Woodford to William McKinley, March 31, 1898, Foreign Relations, 
1898, 727. 

118 News and Observer, April 7, 1898. 

119 News and Observer, April 8, 1898. 

120 Richardson, Messages and Papers, X, 139-150. 
151 News and Observer, April 12, 1890. 

122 Daily Journal (New Bern), April 14, 1898. 

64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fact that a war will be detrimental to their best interests; at the same 
time the State of North Carolina is ready and willing to contribute 
her full quota of brave men in the defense of humanity." 123 Senator 
Marion Butler exclaimed: "The crime of February 15 must be avenged 
by Cuban independence/' 124 

While the Senators debated, Kings Weekly remarked: "Congress 
is for war, if the people will do the fighting. Why don't some of the 
Senators volunteer?" 125 The Morning Post, while suffering from a 
second look at the war crisis, declared: "The Cuban Junta is persuaded 
that if they can fuse with Uncle Sam, the combination can beat the 
Spanish. But Uncle Sam will foot the bill while the Junta will reap 
the benefit." 126 

On April 19, 1898, according to the Congressional Record, Senator 
Pritchard of North Carolina 

presented a petition of the State meeting of the North Carolina Yearly- 
Meeting of Friends, praying that all honorable means be used to prevent 
war and that efforts of our people be directed to relieve the present suffer- 
ing in Cuba and toward the adjustment of all claims in accordance with 
the principles of sound reason and gospel love. . . . 127 

On the same day, the Congress of the United States passed a joint 
resolution declaring Cuba free, demanding the withdrawal of Spanish 
troops from Cuba, directing the President to use armed force to se- 
cure these ends, and disclaiming any intention on the part of the 
United States to annex Cuba. 128 

If public attitudes can be accurately gauged by newspaper edi- 
torials, public pronouncements of political figures, and petitions of 
ordinary citizens, North Carolina had only a slight war fever. Public 
opinion was not inflamed by the de Lome letter; North Carolinians 
adopted a wait-and-see attitude after the sinking of the "Maine"; and 
editors decried the yellow sheets of metropolitan cities which were 
spreading war germs. 

North Carolinians were not entirely immune to the Cuban disease, 
however. They were concerned about the harsh treatment given to 
Cuban insurrectionists. They wished that the federal government 
would grant belligerent rights to the rebels or even recognize Cuban 

123 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session, XXXI, 3983-3984. 

124 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session, XXXI, 3703. 

125 King's Weekly, April 1, 1898. 

126 Morning Post (Raleigh), April 11, 1898. 

127 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session, XXXI, 4067. 

128 Congressional Record, Fifty-Fifth Congress, Second Session, XXXI, 4062. 

Attitudes Regarding Cuba, 1868-1898 65 

independence. They became reconciled to the idea of war "if neces- 
sary," and when the United States declared war on Spain, young men 
marched off to join the colors. 

During the period from the recrudescence of insurrection in 1896 
until the declaration of war in 1898, the citizenry of the Old North 
State as a whole was slow to anger and slow to fight. Indeed during 
the last half of the nineteenth century, North Carolinians showed no 
symptoms of spoiling for a fight or of having any but a casual interest 
in the affairs of Cuba and Spain. Civil war and reconstruction had 
inoculated North Carolina from another conflict, and the effects of 
this immunization had but slightly worn off by 1898. 


Edited by Elizabeth Gregory McPherson* 

Geographic conditions determined that the first permanent settlers 
in North Carolina should come from Virginia rather than direct from 
Europe. But the failure of Sir Walter Raleigh's colonization schemes 
aroused interest in the New World. During the seventeenth century, 
one of the great concerns of the British government was the securing 
of settlers for its American domain. In order to attract settlers and to 
encourage financial support, liberal concessions were made to indi- 
viduals and to groups. There were many persons in England inter- 
ested in coming to America who were financially unable to bear the 
cost of transportation. On April 10, 1606, the Virginia and Plymouth 
companies were created in a single charter for the purpose of coloni- 
zation. Among the proposals to attract settlers was the offer of fifty 
acres of land to anyone who could pay his transportation to America, 
and if he transported "at his owne cost" additional persons he would 
be awarded fifty additional acres for each person he brought into the 
colony. Ship captains were especially active in the acquisition of 
land through the transportation of settlers. 1 

A great part of North Carolina and all of the Albemarle region 
were included in the charter boundaries of the Virginia Company 
of London in 1606 and in the expanded grant of 1609. 2 Because of the 
scarcity of surviving documents relating to the early history of North 
Carolina, it is difficult to write about the settlement of the Albemarle 
region with any degree of certainty. 3 The establishment of the first 
permanent English settlement in America at Jamestown, Virginia, 
May 14, 1607, marked the beginning of a new era of colonization and 

* Dr. McPherson, formerly manuscripts historian, Library of Congress, is retired 
and living at Shiloh. 

1 Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, The History of a Southern State : 
North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, Revised Edition, 
c. 1963), 11-12, hereinafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina. 

2 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 12. 

3 William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: 
State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), I, iii, hereinafter cited as Saunders, 
Colonial Records. 

Nathaniell Batts 67 

a renewal of interest in the fate of Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony. 
Since ten of the stockholders of the Virginia Company of London had 
been associated with Raleigh in his efforts to colonize Roanoke 
Island, it is interesting to note that North Carolina's first permanent 
settlers came from the expanding Jamestown settlement. 4 Also the 
first known attempt made in the seventeenth century to search for 
the Lost Colony was by Captain John Smith who sent two woodsmen 
from Jamestown in 1608 to the Chowan River region in search of the 
colonists. No reports of the woodsmen are known to have been made. 5 

One little used source of information relating to America in the 
seventeenth century is maps, a few of which contain names and leg- 
ends not found elsewhere. Some indicate concern over the Lost 
Colony. One of particular interest is a map sent by Zuriiga, the Span- 
ish Ambassador to England, to Philip III with a letter dated Septem- 
ber 10, 1608, which contained a legend on the subject. 6 

Similar interest was shown in the Lost Colony, when in May, 1609, 
the Council of the Virginia Company issued a series of "Instructions, 
Orders, and Constitutions" to Sir Thomas Gates, the new governor 
of Virginia, which contained a description of the land to the south- 
ward in the Roanoke-Chowan area. It read in part: 

. . . Peccarecamicke where you shall finde f oure of the english alive, left 
by S r Walter Rawely w ch escaped from the slaughter of Powhaton of 
Roanocke, upon the first arrivall of our Colonie, and live under the pro- 
tection of a wiroane called Gepanocon enemy to Powhaton, by whose 
consent you shall neuer recover them, one of these were worth much 
labour, and if you finde them not, yet search into this Countrey it is more 
probably then towards the nortV 

By 1609 a few settlers had moved from the Jamestown area into 
the Nansemond River valley, which borders on the present Virginia- 
North Carolina boundary line. 8 In 1610 Captain Samuel Argall led 
a small expedition into the Chowan River region, but no records 
concerning the outcome of the expedition have survived. 9 By 1612 

4 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 12. 

5 William S. Powell (ed.), Y° Countie of Albemarle in Carolina: A Collection of 
Documents, 1664-1675, xiv, hereinafter cited as Powell, F e Countie of Albemarle. 

"William P. Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps: With an Annotated Check List 
of Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of Southeastern North America 
During the Colonial Period (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), 131-132, 
hereinafter cited as Cumming, Southeast in Early Maps. 

7 Susan Myra Kingsbury (ed.) The Records of the Virginia Company of London 
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 4 volumes, 1900-1935), III, 17. 

8 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 12. 

9 Powell, Y e Countie of Albemarle, xv. 

68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Virginia had begun to recover from its starving time; many colonists 
had begun to realize that their wealth would be determined by the 
cultivation of tobacco rather than hunting for gold, but the hope of 
finding gold, silver, and copper was ever present. Others followed 
the streams to the southward in search of fertile river valleys and 
timber. 10 

In 1622 John Pory, Secretary of the Virginia colony, made a sixty- 
mile overland journey in "Choanoack" and it was reported that he 
found "Pynes 15 or 16 myle broad and above 60 mile long" suitable 
for masts and shipbuilding, and an "aboundance of Corne, reaped 
twise a yeere: above which is the Copper Mines. . . ." Pory's cornu- 
copia report and other economic developments may have had a far 
reaching influence on the fate of the Virginia Company of London. 
On May 24, 1624, the company's charter was abrogated. The following 
year King James I died and his successor was Charles I. By the annul- 
ment of the charter the territory held by the Virginia Company 
reverted to the crown and left the King free to dispose of Virginia 
at will. 11 

On October 30, 1629, Sir Robert Heath, Attorney General to 
Charles I, received a grant for the land between thirty-one degrees 
and thirty-six degrees of north latitude, extending from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific Ocean. Heath's patent was a proprietary grant, over 
which he was "To have exercise use & enjoy in like manner as any 
Bishop of Durham within the Bp ricke or County palatine of Durham in 
our kingdome of England ever heretofore had held used or enjoyed 
or of right ought or could have hold use or enjoy." 12 Here it is of 
interest to note that a "Mapp of Virginia," 1651, by John Farrer, con- 
tains the only reference to Heath's "Carolana" found on any contem- 
porary printed map. 13 

Heath was known to have been interested in attracting French 
Protestants as colonists, but Charles I laid down certain restrictions 
on people going to Carolana. "No foreign born persons should be 
'entertained' there without special authority, and 'none shall be will- 
ingly admitted or entertained into this Plantation wch shall not be of 
the Protestant religion.' All who remained to inhabit were expected 
to 'submit and conforme' to the discipline of the established Church 

10 Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 12. 

11 Powell, Y* Countie of Albemarle, xv-xvi. 

12 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 7. 

13 Cumming, Southeast in Early Maps, 141. 

Nathaniell Batts 69 

of England." It has been suggested that royal interference may have 
put an end to Heath's plan of colonization. 14 

In 1632 with royal approval Heath assigned his interest in America 
to Henry Frederick Howard, Lord Maltravers, who knew the value 
of keeping close ties between Virginia and Carolana. 15 In 1637 Charles 
I instructed Sir John Harvey, Governor of Virginia, to assist Mal- 
travers in settling Virginia. Oddly enough, Maltravers' patent ap- 
proved by the Council of Virginia did not include Heath's entire 
patent of 1629. 16 Maltravers was given a strip of land "Being bound 
from that part of Nansamum river alias Matravers isicl river where 
it divides itself into branches one degree in Longitude on either side 
of the river and in latitude to the height of thirty five degrees north- 
erly Latitude by the name and appellation of the County of Norfolk. 
. . ." 17 This was carved out of the Elizabeth City District. 18 The crea- 
tion of Norfolk County under a separate government, extending over 
the area from a little south of the present Suffolk, Virginia, to the 
present New Bern, North Carolina, might be described as an inde- 
pendent colony or state. While Maltravers was supreme in most 
matters his patent subjected him to the authority of the governor 
and Council of Virginia. The patent stipulated that the territory to 
the southward must be settled with "sufficient strength of people" 
within a period of seven years and a record of all colonists entering 
the new colony from Virginia must be kept at Jamestown. The suc- 
cess of Maltravers' colonization scheme is unknown, but hunters, 
trappers, traders, and others seeking new land on which to grow 
tobacco continued to filter into the region. 19 

Vigilant Virginians kept an eye on the region to the southward. 
"In 1643 the Virginia assembly granted rights to four men, and others 
who might join them, 'to undertake the discovery of a new river or 

14 Powell, Y* Countie of Albemarle, xviii. 

15 Powell, Y* Countie of Albemarle, xvi. 

16 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 15-16. 

17 Saunders, Colonial Records, 1, 14-15. 

18 For the purpose of administration in 1634, eight political divisions were created 
in Virginia: Elizabeth City, Warrasqueoc, Warwick River, James City, Charles City, 
Henrico, Charles River, and Accomack. New Norfolk County was carved out of the 
southern part of Elizabeth City County in 1636. Later Norfolk County was divided 
into Upper and Lower Norfolk counties. In 1646 Upper Norfolk County became 
Nansemond County. By an act of the legislature of Virginia in 1691, Lower Norfolk 
County was divided into Norfolk and Princess Anne counties. Richard L. Morton, 
Colonial Virginia: Volume I, The Tidewater Period, 1607-1710; Volume II, Westward 
Expansion and Prelude to Revolution, 1710-1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North 
Carolina Press, for the Virginia Historical Society, 2 volumes, 1960) , I, 125-126, 
hereinafter cited as Morton, Colonial Virginia. 

70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

unknown land bearing west southerly from Appomattake river.'" 20 
Three years later Governor William Berkeley sent an expedition 
against the Indians in the Chowan area. The overland force was 
under the command of Major General Richard Bennett, a member 
of the Council of Virginia; and Colonel Thomas Dew, a landholder 
in Upper Norfolk County, was to head a contingent by water. It 
appears that the purpose of this expedition was to drive the Indians 
back in order to open the area to settlers. 21 Henry Plumpton, of 
Nansemond County, and Thomas Tuke, of the Isle of Wight County, 
in co-operation with others, purchased from the Indians all the land 
from the mouth of the Roanoke River to the mouth of Weyanook 
Creek. 22 

Continued inducements were offered to Englishmen who could 
settle in the Albemarle region. A limited number of promotional 
tracts, letters, maps, and other printed matter describing the advan- 
tages of coming to Virginia have survived. In the Moderate Intelli- 
gencer (London), April 26-May 2, 1649, there appeared a rather 
interesting propaganda letter from a "well-wilier." 23 From the account 
one might think Virginia and Carolana were lands flowing with milk 
and honey. Besides travel between them was pictured as easy. 

In 1650 Edward Williams published a tract in London entitled: 
Virginia: More Especially the South Part thereof, Richly and Truly 
Valued: Viz. The Fertile Carolana, And No Lesse Excellent Isle of 
Roanoke, of Latitude from 31. to 37. Degr. Relating the Meanes of 
Raysing Infinite Profits to the Adventures and Planters. It indicated 
that no settlement had been made. 24 

In 1650 Edward Bland, a Virginia merchant and fur trader, 
explored the Chowan, Meherrin, and Roanoke river valleys for the 
purpose of encouraging trade with the Indians. The following year 
he published an account of the region entitled: The Discovery of 
New Rrittaine, 1650. Bland and his colleagues requested permission 
to settle in southern Virginia contending that the settlement of 
"Virginia's Confines" and the conversion of the Indians would be 
profitable to trade. Their petition was granted on condition that 

20 Powell, Y° Countie of Albemarle, xviii. 

21 Powell, F e Countie of Albemarle, xviii-xix. 

22 Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 676. 

23 Hugh Talmage Lefler (ed.), "A Description of 'Carolana' By a 'Well-Wilier/ 1649,' 
North Carolina Historical Review, XXXII (January, 1955), 102-105. 

24 Powell, Y e Countie of Albemarle, xix-Xx. 

Nathaniell Batts 71 

Bland and his associates would secure a hundred able-bodied men 
with arms, ammunition, and supplies. 25 

About the middle of the seventeenth century there was a noticeable 
increase in the number of tracts, maps, charts, and other printed 
material describing the advantages of coming to Virginia and to 
Carolana. 26 Such publications revitalized interest in the colonization 
of Carolana. Professor William P. Cumming has pointed out that 
the role of the English geographers in keeping their countrymen in- 
formed concerning American achievements "demonstrates the inti- 
mate connection between the business forces in England that pro- 
moted expansion and the literary advocates who supported and 
justified the movement." 27 

One may well wonder at the tardiness of Virginia in pushing 
settlers farther south. In view of the lack of official records or con- 
temporary commentaries on colonization, a full account of what took 
place can never be complete or perfectly accurate. Of particular 
interest is a private letter, dated May 8, 1654, "Linnehaven," Virginia, 
written by Francis Yeardley, the second son of Governor George 

^Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 15; Powell, Y* Countie of Albemarle, xx-xxi. 
On August 27, 1650, Bland in company with Abra: Woode (Wood), Sackford Brewster, 
and Silas Pennant left Fort Henry, Virginia, and explored the area. 

The first recorded discovery of land by the English in the trans-Allegheny region 
was made by a party sent by Colonel Wood from Fort Henry on September 1, 1671. 
The party included Thomas Batts, Thomas Wood, who died en route, John Weason, 
the Indian Chief Per ecu te, and an indentured servant of Wood. Alexander Brown 
(ed.), The Genesis of the United States: A Narrative of the Movement in England, 
1606-1616, Which Resulted in the Plantation of North America by Englishmen, Dis- 
closing the Contest Between England and Spain for the Possession of the Soil Now 
Occupied by the United States of America; Set Forth Through Series of Historical 
Manuscripts now first printed Together with Reissue of Rare Contemporaneous Tracts, 
Accompanied by Bibliographical Memoranda, Notes, and Brief Biographies, (Boston 
and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 2 volumes, 1890), II, 830; Edward 
D. Neill, Virginia Carolorum: The Colony Under the Rule of Charles First and 
Second, A.D. 1625-A.D. 1685, Based upon Manuscripts and Documents of the Period 
(Albany: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1866), 279, hereinafter cited as Neill, Virginia Carol- 
orum; Nell Marion Nugent (abstracter and indexer), Cavaliers and Pioneers; 
Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1666, with Introduction by 
Robert Armistead Stewart (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, Inc. [Re- 
print from 1934 edition], 1963), 88, 110, 137, 255, 301-302, 411, hereinafter cited as 
Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers; William Waller Hening (ed.), The Statutes at Large: 
Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legisla- 
ture, In the Year 1619 (New York and Philadelphia: R. W. and G. Bartow, 13 volumes, 
1823), I, 373, hereinafter cited as Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large; Morton, 
Colonial Virginia, I, 200, 202-203; Lower Norfolk and Norfolk County Deed Books, 
Office of the Register of Deeds, City of Chesapeake (formerly Norfolk County), 
Chesapeake, Virginia, Deed Book D, 85, hereinafter cited as Norfolk County Deed 

20 William S. Powell, "Carolina in the Seventeenth Century: An Annotated Bibli- 
ography of Contemporary Publications," North Carolina Historical Review, XLI 
(January, 1964), 74-104; Cumming, Southeast in Early Maps, 21-37, 71-79, 128-170. 

27 Cumming, Southeast in Early Maps, 73, n. 77. 

72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Yeardley of Virginia, addressed to his Virginia-born friend, John 
Farrer, the geographer, then a resident of Huntingdonshire, England, 
commenting on his discoveries to the southward: 

In September last, a young man, a trader for beavers, being bound out to 
the adjacent parts to trade, by accident his sloop left him ; and he, suppos- 
ing she had been gone to Rhoanoke, hired a small boat, and, with one of 
his company left with him, came to crave my license to go to look after 
his sloop, and sought some relief of provisions of me ; the which granting, 
he set forth with three more in company, one being of my family, the 
others were my neighbors. . . , 28 

Yeardley referred to his voyage as "an ample discovery of South 
Virginia or Carolina," and described what he saw and his relations 
with the Indians in the most glowing terms. The party entered at 
"Caratoke" and visited the Indians who showed them the ruins of 
the English fort at Roanoke Island. From the Indians they purchased 
a vast territory including "three great rivers" which they in a "solemn 
manner took possession of the country, in the name, and on behalf 
of the Commonwealth of England. . . ." In partial payment for the 
land Yeardley agreed to build the Indian king an English house fur- 
nished with "English utensils and chattels." In compliance Yeardley 
dispatched a boat with six men, one being a carpenter, to build the 
house. Yeardley stated that he had already spent "upwards" of £200 
sterling on the project and on the approaching July he planned 
"further discovery by sea and land." Yeardley mentioned a visit 
from the Indians to his home and their being baptized. In passing, 
he also referred to a comment by the Indians: ". . . the way to the 
sea was a plain road, much travelled for salt and copper." 29 

Naturally one wonders who the "young man" was and what moti- 
vated Yeardley's interest in him. One feels that he was either well 
known to Yeardley or the son of an old friend. Professor Cumming 
offered documentary evidence of the presence of a pioneer settler 
in the Albemarle— "Nathaniel" Batts. 30 From his account it is obvious 

28 Francis L. Hawks, History of North Carolina: With Maps and Illustrations 
(Spartanburg, South Carolina: Eeprint Company [Reprint of E. J. Hale & Sons, 
1857-1858 edition], 2 volumes, 1961), II, 17-20, hereinafter cited as Hawks, North 
Carolina; William Patterson Cumming, "Naming Carolina," North Carolina Historical 
Review, XXII (January, 1945), 37. 

29 Hawks, North Carolina, II, 17-19. 

80 W. P. Cumming, "The Earliest Settlement in Carolina: Nathaniel Batts and the 
Comberford Map," American Historical Review, XLV (October, 1939), 82-89; see also, 
Herbert Paschal, "A State in Search of a Birthday," The Rebel [East Carolina Col- 
lege], III (Spring, 1960), 11-14. 

Nathaniell Batts 73 

that the young man to whom Yeardley referred in his letter to Farrer 
was Batts. 

North Carolina historians have made little or no use of the official 
records of Lower Norfolk County. In the court records of Norfolk 
County there is found the only known contemporary account of 
Batts' house, including the name of the carpenter and the financier, 
as well as a description of the house, its measurements, and the 
purpose for which it was built. It is an account of the first house 
known to have been built in North Carolina. In the court records of 
Norfolk County, dated November 15, 1655, there is a record of a suit 
brought against the estate of Colonel Yeardley by Robert Bodnam, 
a carpenter, for payment for "going twice to the Southward and 
staying there 5 Monthes upon Coll. Yeardley's occasione what the 
co rt Shall please to allow me— For building of a house to the South- 
ward f or Batts to live in and trade w th the Indians w ch I did Doe by 
Coll. Yeardley's Appointment and he did promise to see me paid for 
it." After hearing the plaintiff and the witnesses the court rendered 
its decision: "We doe find that for this five monthes time or services 
at the Southward One Thousand weight of Tob and Caske." It is 
also of interest to note that the house was twenty feet square, con- 
taining two rooms and a chimney. 31 

Batts must have made a favorable impression on the people in 
Lynnhaven Parish, including the leading churchmen and others of 
prominence. On May 25, 1656, he married Mary Woodhouse, 32 
widow and second wife of Colonel Henry Woodhouse, one of the 
leading citizens in the community. 33 After Batts' marriage to Mrs. 

31 Norfolk County Deed Book C, 180. 

32 Norfolk County Deed Book D, 61. The spelling of Mrs. Woodhouse's name is con- 
fusing. In Henry Woodhouse's will dated July 16, 1655, and probated November 15, 
1655, he refers to his wife as "Maria." Her second husband, Nathaniell Batts refers 
to her as Mrs. "Mary" Woodhouse. After her marriage to Batts under her signum 
one finds "Mary Batts." Norfolk County Deed Book C, 181, 224. 

Henry Woodhouse bequeathed the use of his plantation to his wife until his son, 
Henry, became twenty years of age or "longer if she continued to be his widow." Mrs. 
Woodhouse was given one-third of the movable property and the remainder was to be 
divided equally among his children. Each child was also bequeathed a silver spoon. 
This clause of the will was interpreted by Governor Edward Digges to mean: "And 
the remainder to have equally divided amongst my Children All y e Children as well 
by the former as the Latter Wife shall have theire share. . . ." Norfolk County Will 
Book C, 196; Edward W. James, "Woodhouse Notes, Woodhouse to Woodhouse," 
William and Mary Quarterly, II (April, 1894), 263-264. 

33 Captain Henry Woodhouse, master of Suffolk County, served as the Governor of 
the. Bermudas from October, 1623, to January 13, 1626/27. On May 22, 1637, Henry 
"Woodhowse" received a land grant for 500 acres in Lower Norfolk County of New 
Norfolk for the transportation of himself, his first wife, Mary, his daughter, Elizabeth, 
and seven other persons. In Virginia he served as a member of the House of Burgesses, 
1647-1652; Commissioner of Lower Norfolk County, 1642-1655; and in 1640 he was 
appointed a vestryman of Lynnhaven Parish. He died in the fall of 1655, and was 

74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Woodhouse he lived at the Woodhouse plantation, which was known 
as "Roede" and was "commonly called Batts quarters &c" as late as 
1664. 34 According to the court minutes of Lynnhaven Parish, Lower 
Norfolk County, Batts was frequently involved in litigations over the 
nonpayment of his debts and other matters. 35 On October 15, 1656, 
Giles Collins sued Batts on behalf of his wife, Elizabeth, daughter of 
the late Colonel Woodhouse, for the recovery of the property willed 
to her by her late father. 36 Shortly after Mrs. Woodhouse married 
Batts she complained to the court that her husband had demanded 
payment for the board of her children by her late husband. 37 On Janu- 
ary 25, 1656/57, Mrs. Batts brought suit against her husband for the 
recovery of the property bequeathed to her children by her first 
husband. 38 

The newly discovered documents reveal additional information on 
Batts and the early history of North Carolina and Virginia. The fact 
that these records have been unknown to historians through the years 
gives hope that other surviving records relating to the early history 
of North Carolina may be found. The locating of these documents is 
also a reminder that northeastern North Carolina was at one time a 
part of Lower Norfolk County. 

Historians and geographers have been searching for contemporary 
copies of scattered records of the court and Council of Virginia. The 
original records in Richmond were burned during the Civil War. 
Fortunately, Conway Robinson, a historian, had made notes prior 
to their destruction. Among the missing documents was a record of 
the Quarter Court held at James City, June 11, 1657. "The court tak- 
ing into consideration y e great pains & trouble w ch M r . Nathaniell 
Batts hath taken in the discovery of an Inlett to the southward. . . . 
Have therefore ordered that y e s d Batts be herreby protected from his 
Creditors w th in this Country for one year and a day, W[i]thout any 
trouble or Molestation. . . ." 39 Since Currituck Inlet was open as 

survived by his second wife, Maria, four sons, and several daughters. Norfolk County 
Deed Book C, 181; Edward W. James, "Henry Woodhouse," William and Mary Quar- 
terly, I (January, 1893), 227-232; Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 57. 

34 Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 380, 434. 

^Norfolk County Deed Book D, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 15, 18, 21, 43-44, 50, 60-61, 65, 89, 90. 

88 Norfolk County Deed Book C, 181 ; Book D, 3. 

37 Norfolk County Deed Book D, 43-44. 

88 Norfolk County Deed Book D, 43-44, 60-61. 

39 About 1957 Professor Cumming made a diligent but unsuccessful search for a copy 
of the minutes of the Quarter Session of the Court of Virginia, held at James City, 
June 11, 1657, which recognized Batts' discovery of an inlet to the southward. Cum- 
ming, Southeast in Early Maps, 72, n.73. A contemporary copy is available in Norfolk 
County Deed Book D, 85 ; this is reproduced as Document III in this article. 

Nathaniell Batts 75 

early as 1653 to small craft, it is doubtful that this was the inlet 
discovered by Batts. The Comberford Map of 1657 shows an un- 
named inlet south of Currituck Inlet. John Ogilby's map of "A New 
Description of Carolina/' c. 1672, refers to the same inlet as "Musketo" 
Inlet, but on Joel Gascoyne's map of 1682 entitled "A New Map of 
the Country of Carolina," the name has been changed to New Inlet. 40 
Probably this was the inlet which Batts discovered to the "Southward" 
and to which the Indians referred to as the "plain" road to the sea. 

Heretofore, the oldest known surviving record of a land grant in 
North Carolina is in Perquimans County. It is a deed, dated March 1, 
1661; since the English calendar year at that time began on March 
25, the date was 1662. It is from Kilcocanan King of the Yeopim 
Indians to George Durant. The land, situated on the north side of 
Albemarle Sound, is known today as Durant's Neck. This document 
was registered October 24, 1716. 41 Tucked away in the records of 
that ancient county of Lower Norfolk, there is an older deed. It is 
dated September 24, 1660, from the Chief of the Yausapin [Yeopim] 
Indians to Nathaniell Batts for "all y e Land on y e southwest side of 
Pascotanck River from y e mouth of y e s d River to y e head of new 
Begin Creeke." 42 It would be interesting to know whether Batts, who 
was referred to as the Governor of Roanoke, ever lived on his property 
in Pasquotank County. 

A glance at the seventeenth century maps of North Carolina in- 
dicates that Batts left his nomenclature along the coast. One finds 
"Batts Creek," a tributary to the Neuse River; "Batts Point," between 
Pamlico River and Machapoungo (Pungo) River; and "Batts Island" 
at the mouth of Yeopim River in the Albemarle Sound, which by 
1672 had been changed from its earlier name of Heriots Isle. 43 Before 
the end of the seventeenth century Batts Island was called Batts 
Grave, the name by which it is known today. 44 Through the years the 

40 dimming, Southeast in Early Maps, Plates 37, 39. 

41 Powell, Y e Countie of Albemarle, xxiv. 
^Norfolk County Deed Book D, 293. 

i3 Nathaniell Batts lived at various places in North Carolina. Cumming, Southeast 
in Early Maps, 72-73, n.74; Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 414-415; Richard Benbury 
Creecy, Grandfather's Tales of North Carolina (Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton, 
1901) , 19-21, hereinafter cited as Creecy, Grandfather's Tales. 

u Nathaniell Batts is said to have lived and perhaps died on the island of Batts 
Grave. He died intestate and his widow was the administratrix of his estate. James 
Blount stood as surety, November 5, 1679. Later Mrs. Batts married Joseph Chew. 
"Abstract of Wills Probated Prior to 1760," "Miscellaneous Items: From loose papers 
among the Records of Albemarle County at Edenton," "Petition of Edward and John 
Smithwick to Gov. Thomas Harvey, Deputies and Council," J. R. B. Hathaway (ed.), 
North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, I (January, 1900), 30, 612; III 
(January, 1903), 79, hereinafter cited as North Carolina Register. 

76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

island seems to have remained uninhabited. The legend of love and 
sadness of Jesse Batz and Kickowanna, a beautiful Indian maiden of 
the Chowanoke tribe, has been preserved under the title of the 
"Legend of Batz's Grave," which name has made the island famous. 45 
Generally speaking, the further into the past one goes, the more 
likely that pertinent official documents have been lost. The four 
newly discovered documents, extending in time from April 20, 1656, 
to September 24, 1660, are important records which have remained 
unnoticed until the present. The documents as recorded in the deed 
books of Lower Norfolk and Norfolk counties are as follows: 



April 20, 1656 — Marriage Contract of Nathaniell Batts 46 

Ordered to bee Recorded the 15th Ditto [May] 1656 
Wheareas I Nathaniell Batts am Indebted to some men in Virgenia and 
am now Intended to bee married to M. rs Mary Woodhouse y e relict & 
widdow of Henry Woodhouse decesed, I doe by these presents firmely bind 
& Engage my selfe not to meddle w th any of y e s. d widdowes estate in what 
kind or nature Soever to sattisfie any of my debts or Engagem. ts to any 
person or persons whatsoever, & doe further Ingage not to dispose of any 
of y e Aboves. d estate without her Consent — for y e true performance of y e 
same, I have hereunto sett my hand & seale y e 20 th day of Aprill 1656 47 

Nathaniell Batts 

his Seale 

Wittnesses William Clayborne Junior, 48 
Roger Greene 49 
John Ayres 50 

* 5 Creecy, Grandfather's Tales, 19-21. 

48 Norfolk County Deed Book C, 221. 

47 Of the estates recorded in Lower Norfolk County between 1650 and 1700, the 
estate of Henry Woodhouse was considered one of the largest. Philip Alexander Bruce, 
Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, An Inquiry into the 
Material Conditions of the People Based upon Original and Contemporary Records 
(New York and London: Macmillan Company, 2 volumes, 1907), II, 250, hereinafter 
cited as Bruce, Economic History of Virginia. 

49 William Clayborne, Jr., was the son of Captain William Clayborne (Claiborne) 
and his wife, Elizabeth. Captain Clayborne served as surveyor and also as secretary 
of the colony of Virginia, and was at one time treasurer of the Virginia Company. 
Father and son were prominent in both church and state in Virginia. Hening, Virginia 
Statutes at Large, I, 116, 153, 170, 178, 187, 202, 288, 371, 377, 383, 385, 407, 408, II, 
249, 347; Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 2, 3, 4, 6, 18, 48, 70, 178, 244, 247, 302, 339, 
353, 358, 359, 376, 398, 409, 422, 423, 467, 490, 506. 

49 In 1653 the Reverend Roger Green (Greene) obtained a land grant for 10,000 
acres on the Roanoke River and the south bank of the Chowan River in the present 
state of North Carolina. He was to plant 100 settlers and for his good offices he was 
given a bonus of 1,000 acres. There is no documentary evidence that Green's colony 
materialized. Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 15. 

60 John Ayres was a land speculator in Virginia; he acquired land by lapsed patents 

Nathaniell Batts 77 


July 10, 1656— Mortgage Signed by Nathaniell and Mary Batts 51 

To all to whoeme these presents shall come, Knowe yee y* wee whose 
names are heere unto subscribed Nathaniell Batts & Mary his Wife in y e 
County of Lower norfk. in Lynhaven, doe heere by make over, & firmely 
assigne Over unto M. r Jn.° Martin 52 of y e same County his heires Exec. utors 
or assignes all our right title & Interest, of one Mare formerly bought of 
M. rs Sara Yardley 53 of a Sad bay Culler of about three yeares & a halfe 
old — Called by the name of Jones his Mare, also one sad Iron gray Stone- 
horse, bought formerly of Colo : Jn.° Sidney 54 by us y e s. d Natha : & his s. d 
Wife w ch afores. d horse & Mare, wee y e aboves. d petitioners have & doe 
heerby firmely by these presents make over unto him y e s. d Martin, as 
securety & absolute surety for y e paym.* of our debt dew unto y e s. d M. r 
Martin from us, the aboves. d petitioners, of six thousand pounds of tob.° 
& Caske dew unto him, y e affores. d Martin as by specialty from under our 
hands doth appeare, & that upon non paym.* thereof the afores. d Jn.° Mar- 

and by the transportation of settlers. Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 322, 366, 379, 
478, 521, 530, 532. 

51 Norfolk County Deed Book C, 224. 

53 Probably John Martin of Lynnhaven Parish was the son of Captain John Martin, 
Master of Ordinance, whose heirs sold his property in 1643. John Martin, of Lower 
Norfolk County, was a neighbor of Francis Yeardley, and a vestryman of Lynnhaven 
Parish. He served as a member of the court of Lower Norfolk County and also in other 
civic and religious capacities. Edward W. James (ed.), The Lower Norfolk County 
Virginia Antiquary (New York: Peter Smith, 5 volumes, 1951), II, 12, 128, III, 51, 
105, 138, 140-141, hereinafter cited as James, Lower Norfolk County; Nugent, Cava- 
liers and Pioneers, 147, 162, 220, 415. 

63 Sarah Yeardley (Yardley) nee Off ley, was married three times. First she was 
married to Captain Adam Thoroughgood, who purchased 200 acres of land in Virginia 
in 1634. By special recommendation and permission he received a grant for 5,350 
acres of land in Lower Norfolk County, June 24, 1635, for the transportation of 105 
persons, including Thoroughgood and his wife, Sarah. Their home which was built 
on this land is considered the oldest house built by an English colonist extant in 
America. By her first marriage Sarah had several children who married into prominent 
families. The eldest son, Adam, married Frances, daughter of Argall Yeardley, a 
brother of Sarah's third husband. Her second husband was Captain John Gookins, who 
died before November 20, 1647, when she married Captain Francis Yeardley. He was 
the second son of Governor George Yeardley and was also a leader of the Cromwell 
party in Virginia. In 1652 he accepted an appointment as a member of the Council of 
Maryland but soon returned to his home in Lower Norfolk County, where he became 
a member of the House of Burgesses from that county. He died in 1655, but Mrs. 
Yeardley remained active until her death the following year. In her will she directed 
her executor, John Martin, to send her best diamond necklace to England to purchase 
six diamond rings and two black tombstones. She was buried in the old churchyard 
of Lynnhaven Parish beside her second husband; the graves are marked by two 
black tombstones. "Letters Extracted from the County Record Books," William and 
Mary Quarterly, IV (January, 1896), 170; "Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents" 
[Prepared by W. G. Stanard], "Genealogy. Families of Lower Norfolk and Princess 
Ann Counties. Gookin Family," "Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents" [Prepared by 
W. G. Stanard], Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, I (July, 1893), 86, 
V (April, 1898), 435, 458; Norfolk County Minute and Deed Book A, 255-259, Book 
C, 203, Book D, 6, 116-117; Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 21, 22, 71. 

"John Sidney was an extensive landholder in Lynnhaven Parish. He served as a 
member of the county and church courts of Lower Norfolk County frequently from 
1644 to 1661. For many years he was a vestryman in Lynnhaven Parish. Nugent, 
Cavaliers and Pioneers, 169; Neill, Virginia Carolorum, 185, 199, 266, 269. 

78 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

tin is to take into his possession y e Afores. d horse & Mare, w th therre 
Increase from y e day of y e date heareof & to Injoye & make use of them, 
as his owne proper estate, benifitt, & behoofe, wee y e s. d petitioners, firmely 
binding our selves, o ur heires or Assig to performe y e premisses, afores. d 
according to y e true Intent & meaning thereof provided y e afores. d sume 
of tob.° be not p. d according to y e true tenor of y e af ores. d obligation, from 
under y e s. d petitioners hands, bearing date w th these presents. In wittness 
wheareof wee have here unto sett o ur hands this 10 th of July 1656 

Na[t]haniell Batts 



Mary Batts 
Testis, Rich: Richardson 55 

Peter Malbone 56 


June 11, 1657— Minutes of Quarter Court of Virginia: Court Order 
Concerning Nathaniel Batts 57 

Recorded the : 17 th August An 1657 

Att a Quarter Court held at James Citty : the 11 th June 1657 

Present Samuel Mathewes 58 Esq. r L Gov. r 

53 In 1632 Richard Richardson was a member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 
Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, I, 154, 178. 

56 On June 13, 1711, Richard Sanderson, Sr., Esquire, age seventy, swore in a depo- 
sition that he had lived in the Back Bay area under the government of North 
Carolina since the year after Charles II was restored, and he remembered that Peter 
Malbourn (Malbone) was living on Currituck Bay to the southward and he was chosen 
as a Burgess for the Assembly of North Carolina. "The Indians of Southern Virginia, 
1650-1711: Depositions in the Virginia-North Carolina Boundary Case," Virginia 
Magazine of History and Biography, VII (April, 1900), 347-348; Nugent, Cavaliers 
and Pioneers, 447. 

67 Norfolk County Deed Book D, 85. 

58 Samuel Mathews was one of the wealthiest men in Virginia. He married the 
daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton, and served as a member of the Council of Virginia 
in 1625, 1643, and 1656, and was elected by the assembly in 1656 to succeed Governor 
Edward Digges. Charles Campbell, History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of 
Virginia (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1860), 209, 212, 234, 238; H. R. 
Mcllwaine (ed.), Minutes of the Council and General Court of Colonial Virginia, 
1670-1676, with notes and excerpts from Original Council and General Court Records, 
Into 1683 Now Lost (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1924), 52, 54, 55, 58, 59. 

Nathaniell Batts 79 

Colo: W m Claibourn M. r Nath: Bacon 61 

Colo: Tho: Pettus 59 Colo: Geo. Read 62 I Esq." 

Lt. Colo: Walker 60 Colo. Abra: Wood 63 . 

Captain Francis Willis 64 

The Court taking into Consideration y e great pains & trouble, w ch M. r 
Nathaniell Batts hath taken in the discovery of an Inlett to the southward, 
which is likely to be mutch advantagious to the Inhabitants of this Collony ; 
Have therefore ordered that y e s. d Batts be herreby protected from all his 
Creditors w th in this Country for one year & a day, W[i]thout any trouble 
or Molestation upon Consideration that the s. d Batts shall always be ready 
upon y e Courteous service, & to petition to the next Assembly for Con- 
firmation hereof 

Test Thomas Brereton 65 

59 Thomas Pettus, who received a grant of 886 acres of land in James City County 
on April 7, 1643, served as a member of the Council of Virginia in 1642, 1652, 1653, 
1656, 1658, and 1660. Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, I, 235, 239, 372, 378, 408, 
432, 499, 504, 526; Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 159. 

60 Colonel John Walker of Warwick County served as a member of the House of 
Burgesses in 1644, 1646, 1649; in 1656 he was appointed a member of the Council of 
Virginia. Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, I, 283, 323, 359, 422, 427, 499. 

61 Nathaniel Bacon, Sr., and Captain John Walker were chosen by the Governor and 
Council to fill unexpired terms with the specific reservation that their terms would last 
until the legislature met. Their appointments were confirmed and they were reappointed 
for the 1658 term of office. Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, I, 422, 499. 

63 Colonel George Read, a nephew of Sir Windebanke, one of the English Secretaries 
of State, served in this capacity in Virginia until 1642. Morton, Colonial Virginia, 
I, 124. 

^Although Wood worked as a servant in Virginia, he soon amassed a large estate 
and became active politically. In 1654 he was a member of the House of Burgesses 
of Virginia. Three years later he was serving on the Council and General Court of 
Virginia held at James City, which on June 11, 1657, issued a court order, recognizing 
Nathaniell Batts' discovery of an inlet to the southward. For the details see Document 
III from Norfolk County Deed Book D, 85; Morton, Colonial Virginia, I, 157-160; 
Hening, Virginia Statutes at Large, I, 373. 

64 Captain Francis Willis also served as a member of the Council in 1658. He was a 
practicing attorney and Clerk of the Court in Gloucester County. Hening, Virginia 
Statutes at Large, I, 499; Philip Alexander Bruce, Institutional History of Virginia, 
Naval, Educational, Legal, Military, and Political Conditions of the People Based on 
Original and Contemporary Records (New York and London: G. P. Putnams* Sons, 
and Knickerbocker Press, 2 Volumes, 1910), I, 576, II, 502. 

65 Thomas Brereton who married Jane Claiborne, daughter of Colonel William Clai- 
borne, served as Clerk of the General Court of Virginia, 1654-1661. He amassed a large 
amount of land by purchases, lapsed patents, and by paying transportation for 
colonists to Virginia. Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 296, 306, 356, 360, 407, 408, 409, 
500, 531. 

80 The North Carolina Historical Review 


September 24, 1660 — Deed from Kiscutanewh to Nathaniell Batts, 

Pasquotank 66 

To all to whoeme these presents shall Come greeting 
These are to Certifie y* I Kiscutanewh Kinge of Yausapin have Sold & 
Alienated from my self my heires or assignes y e Land w. ch M. r Mason 67 
& M. r Willoughby 68 formerly bought of mee, but never paid mee for, to 
M. r Nath : Batts for a valuable Consideration in hand received, viz & : all 
y e Land on y e southwest side of Pascotanck River, from y e mouth of 
y e s. d River to y e head of new Begin Creeke, 69 to have & to hold to him & 
his heires for Ever, as Witnesse my hand y e twenteth f owerth of Septem- 
ber 1660 

The Mke of 

Wittnesse Richard Batts 70 
George Durant 71 

66 Norfolk County Deed Book D, 293. 

67 The paucity of contemporary records makes the identification of "Mr. Mason" 
difficult. Thomas Parker of the Isle of Wight County, Virginia, on March 18, 1650, 
acquired 250 acres of land for the transportation of eight persons; among them were 
one John Mason and his wife, Sarah. On March 24, 1661, Mason received a patent 
for 325 acres of land in Upper Norfolk County, Virginia, for the transportation of 
seven persons. Later Mason settled in Currituck County, where he remained for 
several years, but little is known about him until September 28, 1694, when he and 
his wife, Sarah, sold their cattle and land. From Currituck County he moved to Per- 
quimans County. In 1694 he served as a juror. Six years later, at a court held in 
Perquimans County, John Brunsby was appointed administrator of his estate. 
Apparently his son, John Mason, remained in Currituck County. Saunders, Colonial 
Records, I, 396, 407, 420; "Abstract of Bertie County Marriage Donds. [sic], North 
Carolina Register, II (April, 1901), 320; Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers, 209, 408. 

68 "Mr. Willoughby" was probably the John Willoughby listed among the persons 
transported by Charles Grymes, October 18, 1653, to Lancaster County, Virginia. He 
may have been the younger son, of a prominent family in England, who ran away from 
home. He was not a descendant, although he perhaps was a relative of Colonel Thomas 
Willoughby (1601-1758) a wealthy merchant of Lower Norfolk County. His only 
son and heir was Colonel Thomas Willoughby (1632-1672), who was educated at the 
Merchants and Taylors School in London, and was survived by two minor children, 
Thomas and Elizabeth. Whoever John Willoughby's forebearers were, he was an 
active leader in North Carolina and took part in the Culpeper Rebellion. He is said 
to have accompanied George Durant to England as a representative of the Albemarle 
in "order to cover all their actions over in England that truth might not come to light." 
Between 1693 and 1705 he served frequently as a juror in Perquimans County and is 
said to have been a rather stern judge. 

In 1670 Willoughby served as a deputy to the Earl of Shaftesbury, "Regester 
publique in North Carolina," and also as a member of the Governor's Council. He 
served in the latter capacity under John Harvey in 1679 and under John Jenkins in 
1680. As a member of the Council, he signed five of the documents which were pre- 
sented by the late Thurmond Chatham to the State Department of Archives and 
History. Powell, Y e Countie of Albemarle, 41, 45, 48, 50, 53; Ellen Goode Winslow, 
History of Perquimans County : As Compiled from Records Found There and Elsewhere 
(Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Co., 1931), 8, 54, hereinafter cited as Winslow, 
History of Perquimans ; J. Bryan Grimes, Abstract of North Carolina Wills Compiled 
in the Office of the Secretary of State, 1665-1760 (Raleigh: E. M. Uzzell & Co., State 
Printers and Binders, 1910), 327, hereinafter cited as Grimes, Abstract of North Caro- 
lina Wills; Saunders, Colonial Records, I, 180, 254, 258, 259, 266, 274, 279, 297, 320, 

Nathaniell Batts 81 

321, 446, 590, 623; "Letters Extracted From the County Record Books. Lower Norfolk 
County, formed in 1637 from Elizabeth City County" William and Mary Quarterly, 
IV (January, 1896), 172; "Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents." Prepared by W. G. 
Stanard, Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, I (April, 1894), 447-450. 

69 After the Lords Proprietors received a charter for the Carolinas on March 24, 1663, 
they instructed Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, to provide for the setting 
up of a government, to arrange for the collection of taxes, and to grant land to 
settlers in the area north of Albemarle Sound. Among those receiving grants were 
John Battle, Richard Buller, Philip Evans, Mrs. Mary Fortsen, William Jennings, 
Thomas Keely, Robert Lawry, Henry Palin, Robert Peele, Thomas Relfe, Mrs. 
Katharine Woodward, and her daughter, Philarete Woodward. Nugent, Cavaliers and 
Pioneers, 425, 426, 427, 428. Their grants were for land on "Paspetanke" River and 
on "New begin" Creek. Part of these grants was within the boundaries covered by 
the deed of Nathaniell Batts, dated September 24, 1660, Norfolk County Deed Book D, 

70 Richard Batts (Bats) was a wealthy merchant and sea captain. During the last 
half of the seventeenth century, Batts and other merchants of the Barbados carried 
on extensive trade with Virginia. Probably Richard Batts was a brother of Nathaniell 
Batts. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, II, 328. 

71 George Durant (1632-1694), a mariner, married Ann Marwood, January 4, 1658/59, 
in Northumberland County, Virginia. The date of his arrival in North Carolina is 
unknown, but on March 1, 1661/62, he received a deed from the Indians for land in 
what is known today as Durant's Neck, Perquimans County. He is said to have begun 
building his house shortly after he received the deed, but no records of proof are 
available. On April 10, 1665, Richard and Thomas Bushrod purchased land from 
Durant in Northumberland County, Virginia. On October 20, 1665, Anthony Branch, 
"upper parish" of "Nancimond" County, obtained a grant for 300 acres of land for 
the transportation of six persons: "George Durant, thrice, An Durant, Thomas Keile, 
George Richards." Durant was no stranger in the area because on September 24, 1660, 
he witnessed a deed of Nathaniell Batts for land located in what is now Pasquotank 
County. Apparently he was an employee of either Nathaniell or Richard Batts. Nugent, 
Cavaliers and Pioneers, 442, 543; Grimes, Abstract of North Carolina Wills, 105; 
Winslow, History of Perquimans County, 3, 4, 340-341; "Abstract of Wills," North 
Carolina Register, I (April, 1900), 20Sn. 


The Pavers of John Willis Ellis. Volume I, 1841-1859 ; Volume II, 1860- 
1861. Edited by Noble J. Tolbert. (Raleigh: State Department of 
Archives and History [Limited Edition], 1964. Illustrations, notes, 
index. Pp. civ, 918. $5.00 per volume.) 

The State Department of Archives and History has contributed a 
great deal to North Carolina's exceptional reputation in historical 
work, and this addition to a total of over fifty informative and amaz- 
ingly inexpensive departmental volumes is another worthy contri- 

The collection is preceded by the usual, helpful listing of all the 
items included and followed by a thorough index. In addition, the 
editor has provided a competent biographical sketch of over sixty 
pages, which, while rather heavily detailed, does supply welcome 
information about a figure whose papers are too often surprisingly 

To the manor (or manner) born, in 1820, Ellis typified the loyalties 
and attitudes common to the conservative slave-owning class. For- 
mally educated, an attorney, and a Democrat, this precocious gentle- 
man was a state legislator at twenty-three, a superior court judge 
at twenty-eight, and, by 1859, governor of the state at thirty-eight. 
Although moderately inclined and no early disunionist, Ellis was 
irrevocably committed to slavery and state rights and intense in his 
hatred for those "subversives" of his day, the abolitionists and "Black 
Republicans." Slavery he pronounced "the true issue involved," but it 
was an indignant rejection of federal coercion that provided the final 
rationale for casting the lot of North Carolina with the Confederacy. 
In the midst of the burdens imposed by this tragic endeavor, the 
young governor, whose life had already been much burdened with 
tragedy, died in the summer of 1861. 

Here was certainly an impressive life, but in part because of the 
very brevity of that life, these papers do not provide that richness 
which one may find, say, in the Ruffin, Worth, or Graham collections. 
Fully 720 of the 888 documentary pages are devoted to the last four 
years of Ellis' life, and the bulk of this is undistinguished official 

Book Reviews 83 

correspondence. But while the chaff is abundant and the personal 
touches are slight, there is rewarding information on many matters— 
on internal improvements, debates over ad valorem taxation, public 
education and welfare, and the sectional crisis. Perhaps most reward- 
ing is that closeness provided to the tasks and the thrills of secession 
and war, and, in a different vein, this reviewer was delighted with 
the state engineer's reports of his battles with troublesome workers 
(slave and free), local profiteers, would-be competitors, and unpre- 
dictable waters as he pursued his efforts to perfect the navigability 
of the Cape Fear River. 

Otto H. Olsen 
Morgan State College 

North Carolina: A Students* Guide to Localized History. By William S. 
Powell. (New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Colum- 
bia University, 1965. Pp. x, 35. $.75, 20 per cent discount on 25 or more 

This brief pamphlet prepared by the librarian of the North Carolina 
Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, is one of a 
series edited by Clifford L. Lord, Hofstra University, who writes the 
introduction for each title. Mr. Powell has written a very interesting 
and useful publication for teachers of North Carolina history, stu- 
dents, and other interested persons. Each chapter summarizes briefly 
in chronological order the major facts of each period in the develop- 
ment of the state, suggests with running commentary books to be 
read, and gives an interpretive list of field trips to the most significant 
historic places. 

The text is smooth, uncomplicated, and to this reviewer provocative 
of further exploration. While the writing is mature it is not too diffi- 
cult for youngsters in seventh and eighth grades to read comfortably 
for a general understanding of the state before studying North Caro- 
lina in more detail. The chapters are concerned with the land and the 
Indians who lived there, the explorers and the early colonists, state- 
hood to 1835, a golden age of development and then the Civil War, 
and the recovery and progress following that tragic event. 

The "Books to Read" which are recommended are all adult books, 
suitable for the mature student, the teacher, and the adult reader. 
Some are out of print and probably would be found only in large 
libraries or in special collections. It would have been helpful to have 

84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had the out-of-print titles identified, as this part of the pamphlet will 
no doubt be used by many libraries as a buying guide. 

In summary this pamphlet encompasses in very few pages much 
valuable information on North Carolina; it is provocative to further 
study and supplies guidelines for the exploration it proposes. 

Mary Peacock Douglas 

Tales from Old Carolina: Traditional and Historical Sketches of the Area 
between and about the Chowan River and Great Dismal Swamps. By 
F. Roy Johnson. (Murfreesboro : Johnson Publishing Company, 1965. 
Illustrations, acknowledgments. Pp. 248. $4.95.) 

A reader finds it difficult to classify this book. It is hardly history, 
yet there are many historical tidbits in it. Perhaps to call it a collec- 
tion of lore and legend is better, yet it is not this alone. For want of a 
better term, it may be called a "social history" of Gates County people 
from Ralph Lane's expedition to the Civil War, noting superstitions 
of and strange stories about river-folk and swamp-folk of the upper 

There are six sections: Explorations, Colonial, Ante-Bellum, Dismal 
Swamp, Spirit Lore, and Civil War. Though Mr. Johnson does not 
list his written sources, he quotes frequently from John Lawson, 
William Byrd, and Porte Crayon, obviously extracting those items 
which appeal to his temperament and curiosity. In addition, he lists 
sixty current inhabitants of the area whom he has interviewed and 
who have told him stories. It is the material from these interviews- 
primary data never before recorded— that makes the book valuable 
as folklore. Few people go about listening to the soon-to-be-forgotten 
tales of the old-timers and putting them into print. 

Where else, in a few years, can one learn about the runaways in 
the Dismal Swamp who developed a "swamp sense" which made 
wild animals less afraid of them, and about how such denizens 
"learned to eat anything a bear could and thus enjoyed an abundance 
of food." Besides the fascinating yarns about these mysterious crea- 
tures of the swamp, there are tales of witches who could be killed only 
with silver bullets, about devils, fairies, and assorted demons. 

Mr. Johnson's little book will not please the meticulous reader. 
Rank misspellings and typographical errors are on almost every page, 
often delightful in their unintended humor. There are slips— such as 

Book Reviews 85 

the knighthood Mr. Johnson confers upon Thomas Moore, son of a 
Dublin grocer and author of the famous poem "The Lake of the 
Dismal Swamp." 

But no matter. For in this book is found the vanishing lore of a 
place and time which must be recorded now and quickly, or it will 
be irrevocably lost. 

Richard Walser 

North Carolina State University at Raleigh 

Before the Rebel Flag Fell. Collected and Edited by Thomas C. Parra- 
more, F. Roy Johnson, and E. Frank Stephenson, Jr. (Murfreesboro: 
Johnson Publishing Company, 1965. Notes. Pp. xix, 132. $3.00.) 

Before the Rebel Flag Fell is the story of the Civil War as told by 
five southerners reflecting as many different viewpoints. All lived in 
northeastern North Carolina, but their stories may be regarded as 
typical of many communities in the South during this tragic era. 

Reproduced here is the diary of a plantation wife who portrayed 
with much feeling the cares and hardships of the home front. She 
was a woman of deep religious conviction and a feeling of concern 
for the problems of the times. Two common soldiers told of warm 
comradeships, army life, and their "lady friends Sniffling . . ." as they 
departed for war. There is also a story of the courage of a field com- 
mander and his account of the horrors of war. Finally, a professional 
historian of literary distinction has provided a microscopic view of 
the all important human element of the war. 

Messrs. Parramore, Johnson, and Stephenson have compiled a 
valuable and exciting account of the war using the all important 
ingredient— people. Sketches of the contributors at the beginning of 
each section provide necessary background information. 

Noble J. Tolbert 
Chapel Hill 

After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina During Reconstruction, 1861- 
1877. By Joel Williamson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 
Press, 1965. Notes, index. Pp. ix, 442. $7.50.) 

For years it has been said that the place of the Negro in southern 
life was fixed around and after 1890. Now Joel Williamson, an as- 

86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sistant professor at the University of North Carolina, has probed 
deeply into the history of South Carolina to demonstrate clearly that 
in at least one state the black and the white races went their separate 
ways almost from the date of emancipation. The implications for the 
historiography of Reconstruction are tremendous, and only after 
similar studies have been made for the other southern states will the 
truth finally emerge. 

The first two chapters deal with the Negroes who were freed during 
the war in areas of Union occupation and describe the formulation 
of policies on such matters as land distribution that in some cases 
were carried over into the postwar period. The remainder of the book 
uses a topical approach to describe the economic, social, and political 
role of the Negro in South Carolina to 1877. The chapters on eco- 
nomics show how "the North disallowed the attempt by white South 
Carolinians to replace slavery with a controlled "system of labor," 
describe the efforts of Negroes to acquire lands, and explain the 
emergence of the contract system of labor. The chapter on religion 
emphasizes the separation theme while discussing the various denom- 
inations that made headway among the Negroes and demonstrating 
that the church played an important political role. Racial attitudes 
and the violence that "inevitably" sprang from them are described 
and analyzed. The most striking conclusion in the sections on social 
history is the statement that "before the end of Reconstruction, sepa- 
ration had crystallized into a comprehensive pattern. . . ." After 
describing "The Negro Community" and its various divisions and 
social problems, the author concludes with a chapter on the political 
leadership of the Negroes. According to Williamson, the character 
and ability of Negro politicians and their white Republican colleagues 
was of a considerably higher degree than has been portrayed in many 
previous accounts. 

From beginning to end this book is a consciously revisionist work, 
but unlike some revisers who merely make assertions, this author 
piles up mounds of evidence to support his new interpretations. He 
used the extensive manuscript collections at Duke University and the 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and fortified them 
heavily with contemporary newspaper accounts, magazine articles, 
and government documents. An amazing amount of detail about 
the situation in South Carolina came from the New York Times. 
Blessed with an abundance of material, the author has put together 
his findings into a very solid work of historical scholarship. 

Book Reviews 87 

There are some minor flaws in the book such as the author's assump- 
tion that readers know far more than most of them do. He sometimes 
loses sight of the Negro or does not relate the topic under discussion 
to him. On the whole the merits of the book so far outweigh the one 
or two weaknesses that a reviewer is embarrassed to mention "flaws.'' 

Richard L. Zuber 

Wake Forest College 

Atticus Greene Hay good: Methodist Bishop, Editor, and Educator, By- 
Harold W. Mann. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1965. Illus- 
tration, notes, index. Pp. viii, 254. $6.00.) 

Southern historians for many years have expressed a need for 
a critical study of Atticus Greene Haygood, President of Emory 
College, Agent of the Slater Fund, and Bishop of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South. This excellent biography by Harold Mann, 
a recent doctoral graduate of Duke University, should fill all require- 
ments, for it is the product of wide reading, conscientious research, 
mastery of materials, and clear writing. 

Atticus Haygood, born in Georgia in 1839, was afflicted with epi- 
lepsy during his early years. His father, a lawyer, established a home 
in which justice and respect for the individual were highly regarded. 
In this atmosphere Atticus matured with strong tendencies toward 
idealism, progressivism, and humanism. After graduating from Emory 
College, Haygood became an influential minister in the Methodist 
Church. He developed a distaste for revival excesses, sanctification 
seekers, unctiousness in the pulpit, and especially the Holiness Move- 

In 1880, after five years as President of Emory College, Haygood 
delivered a commencement address that urged the South to forget 
the tragic years and to look forward without lamenting the overthrow 
of slavery. On Thanksgiving Day in the same year he preached a 
sermon on "The New South" in which he took such an extreme posi- 
tion in behalf of the Negro that some people charged him with 
defaming the Confederacy. A year later he published a book Our 
Brother in Black— a. criticism of the role of the northerners and, in 
part, an apology for the inactivity of the southerners. The book was 
favorably received in the North but offended many in the South. 

88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Having identified himself with the cause of the Negro, Haygood 
was appointed in 1882 as Agent for the Slater Fund, a foundation 
to assist Negroes to obtain higher education. During eight years as 
Agent, this exuberant, charming, and genial Georgian reached the 
peak of his career as he wrote, lectured, and strove to create a 
"brotherhood" of the races. Dissatisfaction with Haygood's method 
of reporting and his careless accounting for money led to his re- 
moval from office. 

This experience seemed no handicap, however, to Haygood's ad- 
vancement with the church. In 1890 he was elected a bishop of his 
church and assigned to California. After three frustrating and un- 
happy years for him and his family, Haygood returned to Georgia. 
Extremely unbusinesslike, he was usually in financial straits and 
often in debt. By now broken in purse and depressed in spirit, he 
was no more his once vigorous self. When he died in 1896, "the 
eulogists were puzzled as to what they could say about Bishop Hay- 
good's life," but the author approaches a satisfactory explanation by 
saying that his subject "did not fit into either the prewar or postwar 

Walter B. Posey 
Agnes Scott College 

Memorials of a Southern Planter, by Susan Dabney Smedes. Edited, with 
introduction and notes, by Fletcher M. Green. (New York: Alfred A. 
Knopf, 1965. Introduction, illustrations, bibliography. Pp. lxix, 337. 

Susan Dabney Smedes, Memorials of a Southern Planter, has long 
been considered something of a classic. It was written, she frankly 
confessed, so that the grandchildren of Thomas Smith Gregory Dab- 
ney might know something of his life as a planter in the ante-bellum 
South. They would learn much in later days of the wickedness of 
slavery and of slaveholders, and it was her purpose to tell them just 
what things were like in that much distorted period. She would give 
them the other side— the southern side of the story. 

Such an approach, of course, would not be entirely objective. It 
would, however, be warm and human. It would reveal the fact that 
slavery could be all kinds of things in different places, at different 
times, and with different slaves and different masters. It was not just 

Book Reviews 89 

an abstract idea, brutal and impersonal, but an institution which 
could reflect the personality of a just and kind man who accepted the 
responsibilities which this peculiar labor system imposed. 

As a historical document, the Memorials must, of necessity, be used 
with discretion. Thomas Dabney was not a typical planter, if there 
ever was such a person, and the author viewed the man and his 
plantation through a romantic haze, which probably adds more to 
myth than to historical reality. As a young girl, Susan saw only the 
pleasant side of a very complex social and economic order. She knew 
little of the slaves who toiled in the fields. She saw little of the imper- 
sonal system which robbed the Negro of his rights as a human being 
to realize his individual possibilities. Even in memory, what she did 
see lost much of what was unpleasant and unjust. Most certainly, her 
book is a poor place to look for the guilt which present-day historians 
think the slaveholder and his family should have felt. 

Professor Green's excellent Introduction makes these things clear, 
and supplies all that is needed for understanding the author, the 
planter, and his way of life. Even with all its shortcomings, with such 
an introduction the Memorials still make pleasant reading. 

Avery Craven 
University of Wisconsin 

The Crisis of the Union, 1860-1861. Edited by George Harmon Knoles. 
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965. Pp. xi, 115. 

This highly provocative volume is an outgrowth of a symposium 
sponsored by the Institute of American History at Stanford Univer- 
sity in March, 1963. Eight prominent historians led discussions on 
four major themes that attempted to unravel the threads of action 
and motivation leading to the crisis of the union. 

Glyndon G. Van Deusen, research professor emeritus at the Uni- 
versity of Rochester, discussed "Why the Republican Party Came 
to Power." He reasoned: The Republican party was youthful, unbur- 
dened by an accumulation of mistakes, possessed of strong leadership 
in contrast to the feuds, corruption, and bitter sectional quarrels by 
the Democrats; there was northern discontent with the economic 
policies of the southern controlled Democrats; Lincoln, as a westerner 
and a log cabin rail-splitter, was a symbol of the common man and 

90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had wide voter appeal; but above all else, the Republicans claimed 
the antislavery sentiment. In a critique, Don E. Fehrenbacher, pro- 
fessor of history at Stanford, suggested that the Republican movement 
survived (in contrast to other contemporary minority parties) be- 
cause of its platform appeal on economic issues, and the 1860 Repub- 
lican triumph was primarily a stern rebuke to a Democratic adminis- 
tration that had tried to force Kansas into the Union as a slave state. 

Professor Roy F. Nichols of the University of Pennsylvania, dis- 
cussing the problem of "Why the Democratic Party Divided," de- 
clared the party split because of a complex series of personal 
failures and miscalculations and that the party leadership (group 
dynamics) did not measure up to the demands of the perilous times. 
Specifically, this came about when the southern delegates deliber- 
ately destroyed the Charleston convention for fear of losing the 
national political power they were accustomed to control. In reply, 
Robert W. Johannessen of the University of Illinois placed the failure 
at Charleston altogether on the calculated policy of southern "fire- 
eaters." Furthermore, the party breakup did more than destroy the 
party itself; it guaranteed Lincoln's election and sealed the fate of 
the Union. 

The third topic, "Why the Southern States Seceded," was led by 
Avery O. Craven of the University of Chicago. To him the question 
of honor was the paramount reason, but he also stressed northern 
aggression to slavery and the fear by southern states that their Con- 
stitutional rights would not be respected if they remained in the 
Union. Craven observed that the southern states were right in that 
their domestic institutions were no longer safe in the Union, but 
that they erred in not recognizing the more important fact that their 
institutions were not safe anywhere in the nineteenth century and 
the emerging modern world. In rebuttal and in an especially sharp 
analysis of "revisionist" historiography, Charles G. Sellers, Jr., of the 
University of California, Berkeley, denied the Craven generalization 
"that the much sought for 'central theme of Southern history' is, and 
always has been, a proud reluctance to being pushed into the modern 
world." On the contrary, the South was a vital part of the modern 
world and was enjoying its greatest economic boom. Sellers sug- 
gested the term "aggressive defensive," which enabled southern 
radicals to shift from defense to aggression in the 1850's and to pro- 
claim the perfection of their way of life so intensely as to convince 
themselves of the truth of what they were saying and doing. 

Book Reviews 91 

Finally, David M. Potter of Stanford University spoke on "Why 
the Republicans Rejected Both Compromise and Secession." The re- 
jection of compromise did not mean an acceptance of separation or 
war, but rather the underestimation of the danger to the Union be- 
cause the South had shouted "wolf" ( secession ) too often before and 
the 1860 threat was considered only a repeat. Also, the Republican 
leaders were convinced that secessionism was a superficial phenome- 
non not representing true southern impulses; thus the refusal to com- 
promise would be the best way to silence the "fire-eaters" and to 
revive the Southern Unionists. Kenneth M. Stampp, Morrison pro- 
fessor of history at the University of California, added further that 
the perspective of 1861 (Ft. Sumter) did not necessarily mean war; 
instead it could have resulted in the immediate collapse of the Con- 
federacy without even a skirmish. 

This is a valuable contribution to Civil War study even though no 
new or startling interpretations are presented. The Institute on Amer- 
ican History is to be congratulated for the high standards of this 
study and its editorship and should be encouraged to sponsor addi- 
tional similar projects. 

Horace W. Raper 
Tennessee Technological University 

Here Come the Rebels! By Wilbur Sturtevant Nye. (Baton Rouge: Louisi- 
ana State University Press, 1965. Maps, notes, index. Pp. xvi, 412. 

This is a good book with an inadequate title. It has to do with 
one segment of the Civil War: Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania prior 
to Gettysburg, which emphasis on the Second Corps, Army of North- 
ern Virginia, commanded by General Richard S. Ewell who succeed- 
ed "Stonewair Jackson in the reorganization of Lee's army after 
Chancellorsville. The move through the Shenandoah Valley into 
Pennsylvania and the environs of Harrisburg required that the Fed- 
erals be driven from Winchester, Berryville, Martinsburg, and other 
points north and east until the Susquehanna was reached. How this 
was done, and how the citizens of Pennsylvania prepared to meet 
the invasion, is the burden of the narrative. Adequate maps enable 
the reader to cut away some of the fog and confusion of war, and 
the text gives a reasonable facsimile of what it was like to the man 

92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with the gun. So far as the civilian population was concerned, it 
seems that the assistance offered by soldiers from New York was 
nearly as troublesome as the invaders prior to the great battle. 

The author, a veteran of thirty-four years in the regular army and 
formerly chief of the Army's Historical Division in Europe, has pro- 
duced a carefully researched and well-written narrative. The judg- 
ments reached and the criticisms offered seem reasonable; the com- 
ments on individuals are usually well-tempered; the lack, on both 
sides, of adequate military intelligence is shown; and both the military 
action of the Federals and the problems of preparing the defenses of 
the state are examined in revealing detail. General Ewell comes off 
pretty well, though the analysis of his leadership and tactics might 
have been more searching. 

Robert H. Woody 

Duke University 

The Theater in Colonial America. By Hugh F. Rankin. (Chapel Hill: Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1965. Illustrations, notes, index. Pp. 
xvi, 239. $6.00.) 

This modest volume is a distinct contribution to the scanty history 
of the fine arts and belles-lettres in Colonial America. From the 
appearance of two "Adventurers from Virginia" in the London play 
Eastward Hoe (1603) to the demolition of the Williamsburg play- 
house during or soon after the Revolution, it traces amateur theatri- 
cals, native playwrights, English professional companies, and play- 
houses themselves from The Bare and the Cubb (1665) on the 
Virginia Eastern Shore and Gustavus Vasa (1690) at Harvard to the 
last professional performances of well-known British plays during 
the Revolution. The story has foggy beginnings, for materials are 
scant, but with the founding of newspapers in the Middle and South- 
ern colonies more details of actors, plays, and audience reactions 
combine into a fairly clear picture of what eighteenth century Amer- 
icans wanted and received as theatrical entertainment. 

Overwhelmingly the Colonial theater was southern. That is, Annap- 
olis, Williamsburg, and Charleston more consistently and for longer 
periods encouraged the drama than the more northern centers. Not 
unexpectedly New England, especially Massachusetts, was usually 
hostile. Fairly late New York and Philadelphia, not without some of 

Book Reviews 93 

the opposition on "moral grounds" experienced in New England, be- 
came supporters of professional companies. 

The scanty materials for the seventeenth century suggest that 
Maryland and Virginia, especially the latter under a playwright gov- 
ernor like Berkeley, may have had a long tradition of private and 
semi-private theatricals extending into the eighteenth century. The 
Bare and the Cubb of 1665 was surely no isolated phenomenon. And 
materials now available at Colonial Williamsburg but not used by 
this author indicate that at least one late seventeenth and early eight- 
eenth century Virginia planter was coauthor of a well-known London 
play usually assigned to a famous British playwright, and that this 
same planter aided in producing and directing plays at various man- 
sions along the James River. He may also have worked with the 
Williamsburg theater of 1716-1718 of which little is known. The 
later Revolutionary-period plays of Robert Munford appear also to 
have been written for local (Mecklenburg County) production in the 
same tradition. 

Through the eighteenth century Gazettes of Maryland, Virginia, 
South Carolina, and Pennsylvania the author is able to trace with 
considerable detail and exactitude the traveling repertory companies 
and a good deal about the size and appointments of the buildings in 
which they performed. One learns, incidentally, that at least one 
company acted in North Carolina, and that the theater at Halifax 
was 60 feet by 30 feet in floor space. 

This outline history of one cultural "embellishment" of Colonial 
life leaves one still asking about several matters such as the apparent 
head-on collision between theatrical performances and the preachers 
of the Great Awakening; the extent to which the theater inspired the 
verses of many kinds which fill numerous pages of the newspapers; 
and the effect of theatrical speech (and bombast) on the oratory of 
the pre-Revolutionary and Revolutionary periods, when Addison's 
Cato, for example, was a favorite play. 

In conclusion, in describing the demolition of the last Williamsburg 
theater some time before 1787, the author observes that after that 
time "Virginians could only manifest their interest in drama by 
reading plays to one another— just as they had a hundred years be- 
fore." Surely he forgets that Richmond already had or was just pick- 
ing up the theater— with even some of the same actors— when 
Williamsburg gave it up, and that Petersburg and Fredericksburg 

94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

continued their Colonial theatrical tradition well into the nineteenth 

Richard Beale Davis 

University of Tennessee 

The Papers of James Madison, Volume IV, 1 January, 1782 — 31 July, 1782. 
Edited by William T. Hutchinson and William M. E. Rachal. (Chicago: 
University of Chicago Press [Sponsored by the University of Chicago 
and the University of Virginia], 1965. Illustrations, notes, index. Pp. 
xxviii, 486. $12.50.) 

The fourth volume of The Tapers of James Madison covers the 
first seven months of 1782 with the same comprehensive editorial 
annotation which marked the earlier volumes. In addition to Madi- 
son's extensive correspondence, this volume includes numerous reso- 
lutions to Congress and committee reports which bear Madison's 

Like most Americans in early 1782, Madison eagerly awaited news 
that the victory at Yorktown would bring British recognition of 
American independence. These hopes were weakened when news 
was received of the British defeat of the French fleet in the West 
Indies in April. Madison was anxious for the ultimate triumph of the 
American cause and his fears were expressed frequently in his writ- 
ings. He was especially concerned about British efforts to use trade 
as a lure to entice Americans away from the fight for independence. 

Madison was concerned also with internal problems such as the 
Western lands, the independence of Vermont, the shortage of both 
money and troops, and the reluctance of the states to support the 
Confederation. The editors note a continuing struggle between Madi- 
son's desire to use the "implied powers" doctrine to strengthen the 
central government and his desire to serve the interests of his state. 
This was the beginning of a struggle which continued throughout 
his active life. 

The extreme thoroughness of the editors in identifying and anno- 
tating almost every reference to events or items— no matter how ob- 
scure—is happily relieved by one frank admission of fallibility. Their 
inability to identify Edmund Pendleton's allusion to the "Irish treas- 
urer's Waggons" will make many a historian who has suffered similar 

Book Reviews 95 

fruitless searches feel a bond of comradeship which the editors' very 
excellence has heretofore precluded. 

The care and comprehensiveness of the editorial work adds im- 
measurably not only to the usefulness of the Papers themselves but 
also to an understanding of Madison and the general history of the 
period. As the volumes proceed through the years of Madison's in- 
volvement in the formation of the Constitution, the Jeffersonian 
years and his own presidency, can the detailed and objective annota- 
tion continue? Fortunately, the editors thus far have proved them- 
selves more than able to accomplish their chosen task so that their 
ability to deal with the magnitude of the material ahead is not seri- 
ously questioned. 

J. Edwin Hendricks 

Wake Forest College 

The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896. By Robert F. Durden. 
(Lexington : University of Kentucky Press, 1965. Notes, index. Pp. xiv, 
190. $5.00.) 

Populism continues to stimulate historical investigation as evi- 
denced by Duke University professor Robert F. Durden's new book, 
his third significant contribution to late nineteenth century historiog- 
raphy. This is neither a full study of Populism nor an exhaustive 
account of the election; it is rather a tightly and professionally written 
analysis of the dilemma Populists faced in 1896 when reforms they 
had made popular were embraced by the Democratic party under 
the leadership of William Jennings Bryan. Relying heavily upon the 
hitherto neglected papers of North Carolina's Senator Marion Butler, 
national chairman of the Populist party in 1896, Durden throws new 
light on several aspects of this intriguing election. In doing so, he 
lines up with John D. Hicks, C. Vann Woodward, Walter T. K. Nu- 
gent, Norman Pollack and others in affirming the thesis that Populist 
contributions to American political and economic policy greatly over- 
shadowed the party's minor defects and idiosyncracies. 

This book refutes Henry Demerest Lloyd's often repeated charge 
that free silver was essentially a false issue interjected into the 1896 
campaign, thus diverting reformers from more significant goals. So- 
cialism, not currency reform, Durden argues, was the real "cowbird" 
that "tried to capture the Populist nest," an attempt notable because 

96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

it failed. In further defense of silver, he correctly notes that this issue 
was in fact the best single umbrella under which all reformers could 
stand and, contrary to critics then and now, it was never understood 
to be a panacea for all the ills of American society. 

Equally important, it seems to this reviewer, is the clear distinction 
Durden makes between southern and western Populism. He also pre- 
sents a more balanced view than has heretofore prevailed of the intra- 
party squabble between Tom Watson and the mid-roaders who 
eschewed co-operation with Democrats on the one hand, and Butler 
and the fusionists on the other. Historians who have long been influ- 
enced by Vann Woodward's pro- Watson discussion of this conflict 
will find the matter put in better perspective here and will come to 
understand that Butler steered the Populists through the political 
rapids of 1896 about as successfully as any one could have done. 
The truth was that the Populist party— as opposed to Populist prin- 
ciples—took on all the characteristics of a Greek tragedy once Bryan 
captured control of the Democratic party. The question then became 
not how Populists could retain their separate identity, but how they 
could surrender it most gracefully and effectively. 

In his bibliographical essay entitled "Notes on Sources," Professor 
Durden ably reviews the recent literature on Populism. Historians 
who perform similar tasks from now on will have to take careful note 
of The Climax of Populism. 

James A. Tinsley 

University of Houston 

Woodrow Wilson. By Arthur Walworth. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Com- 
pany, Second Edition, Revised, 1965. Sources, index. Pp. xiv, 875. 

In its initial appearance this book was awarded the Pulitzer Prize 
for the most distinguished biography of 1958. It filled well a long 
felt need for an adequate, readable biography of Woodrow Wilson. 
At one extreme are Ray S. Baker's Woodrow Wilson: Life and Letters 
in eight volumes and Arthur S. Link's Woodrow Wilson now being 
published with five volumes having been released; at the other are 
the much shorter chronicles written by William Allen White and 
Josephus Daniels in the mid-twenties, and those more recently done 
by Harold G. Black and Ruth Cranton. Arthur Walworth has struck 

Book Reviews 97 

the happy medium. He presents a well-rounded study without at- 
tempting a complete treatment of the whole Wilson Era. 

Mr. Walworth's book is in a category by itself. Originally published 
as a two-volume biography of Woodrow Wilson, it probably will not 
soon be replaced as a competent study of its subject. For several 
years, the author worked to produce this book. His years of meticu- 
lous research in manuscript materials; his numerous interviews with 
Wilson s relatives and with those who knew him as a university pro- 
fessor, as President of Princeton, as Governor of New Jersey, or as 
President of the United States; his painstaking writing and revising 
have all contributed to the remarkable quality of this biography. Not 
only has the author made good use of available sources, but he also 
organized the materials carefully and told the narrative artistically. 
Indeed, it is in the role of literary historian that Arthur Walworth 

This study contains several blemishes that no scholar of the Wilson 
Era will deny. For example, the author has overburdened the book 
with theological terminology. Of even greater concern to the dedi- 
cated student of the Wilson period is the author's repetitious practice 
of giving quotations without revealing the sources. Many sources are 
accurately cited but numerous others are not. Moreover, there are 
many irregularities in the footnotes as well as in the citations in the 
body of the book. A frontispiece is the only illustration. The Note on 
Sources lists only some secondary sources published within the last 
decade, and the Index is by no means complete. 

These flaws, however, do not greatly mar this very readable book. 
Mr. Walworth understands his complex subject thoroughly and pre- 
sents him sympathetically, usually without blemish or fault. Here, 
for the first time, Wilson as a family man is adequately presented. The 
author skillfully handles Wilson's feminine friendships. Although 
these relationships were always platonic, they gave grounds for 
vicious gossip by his political enemies. 

The publisher's statement on the jacket of the book, that this study 
"now substantially revised from sources only recently available" is 
misleading. Only in the first chapter and on the first few pages of the 
second chapter were any changes noted. 

George Osborn 

University of Florida 

98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

High Dams and Slack Waters: TV A Rebuilds a River. By Wilmon Henry 
Droze. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965. Illus- 
trations, notes, bibliography, index. Pp. x, 174. $7.50.) 

As TVA's electrical program has been highly controversial, pub- 
licity has emphasized this aspect of its work. Less controversial and 
hence less well known is the navigation program. TVA itself devoted 
little time to this until developments demonstrated its importance as 
a means of defending the agency against its critics and fulfilling its 
over-all objectives. The program has now been treated ably and with 
clarity, brevity, and enthusiasm by Wilmon Droze, a historian trained 
at Vanderbilt, who sees his subject as a successful test of man's ability 
to be constructive. Well designed and well organized, the book covers 
the major dimensions of the subject from sources to consequences 
and assumes that the proper concern of the historian is continuity 
and change. The subject could be more fully understood and evalu- 
ated if the author had viewed it in a larger context. 

In an attempt to show the relation between this aspect of the New 
Deal and the past, Droze shows that the idea of the government 
making the Tennessee navigable was not new and that attempts to 
implement the idea were made before 1933. They, however, accom- 
plished little; great change came only with the New Deal. He fails 
to point out that the change conformed to the well-established Amer- 
ican practice, often successful, of government development of trans- 
portation facilities. 

The study goes beyond mere description of TVA's efforts to rebuild 
and promote the use of the river. The various steps are defined, ana- 
lyzed, and explained, and the growth of commerce on the Tennessee 
is related to the national revival of water transportation. Further- 
more, the author estimates the impact upon the economy, concluding 
that "the conversion of the Tennessee River from an undependable 
stream into a reliable commercial artery has contributed measurably 
to industrial expansion and agricultural diversification in the Tennes- 
see Valley and large areas of its hinterland." But how does this 
compare with the consequences of alternative ways of using govern- 
ment funds? The author suggests but does not make comparisons of 
this type. Perhaps a historian has no obligation to do so. 

Richard S. Kirkendall 
University of Missouri 

Book Reviews 99 


A new edition of North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries, 
edited by Hugh Talmage Lefler, has recently been released by the 
University of North Carolina Press. Documents in the new volume 
reflect developments in North Carolina as late as 1965; in fact, Gov- 
ernor Dan K. Moore's legislative message of February 4, 1965, in 
which he presented a program for a greater state, concludes the book. 
The documentary material selected by Dr. Lefler is invaluable to 
students of North Carolina history. It is unfortunate that a book of 
this value and usefulness should be reissued in what appears to be a 
hasty and careless manner. The new material has been set in a type 
different from that formerly used; the older material was photo- 
graphed and reproduced by offset; the result is one book with two 
different styles of type. The difference is particularly noticeable in 
the Preface, where a few words in the fifth paragraph have been 
changed and this paragraph was set in the new type while the first 
four paragraphs were photographed from the old type. One wonders 
if Dr. Lefler himself was given an opportunity to review the Preface 
before it was reprinted because the fourth paragraph should definitely 
have been brought up to date. These technical objections in no way 
mar the quality of the book's contents, and students and teachers of 
North Carolina history will welcome a volume of documents which 
includes those of recent months. There are 580 pages including the 
Index. Copies may be ordered from the University of North Carolina 
Press, Chapel Hill, for $7.50. 

Guide to Manuscripts and Archives in the West Virginia Collection 
-Number II, 1958-1962, by F. Gerald Ham, was published in 1965 
by the West Virginia University Library in Morgantown. This Guide 
brings up to date the record of materials added since the publication 
of the first Guide in 1958. The West Virginia Collection includes 
manuscript, printed, pictorial, and audio materials; the archives and 
manuscript section includes collections of private manuscripts, the 
university archives, and records of various businesses, societies, and 
institutions. Inactive public records are also found there. This section 
is the depository for prints and pictures, maps, newspapers, and vari- 
ous other materials of value to the researcher. Since the first Guide 
was published, approximately 600 accessions were added to the 
collection; these are described in 437 entries in this supplement. The 
147-page book is indexed, and copies may be obtained free from the 
West Virginia University Library. 

100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Harry S. Tru- 
man, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of 
the President, January 1 to December 31, 1950, is a continuation of 
the series begun in 1957. Similar volumes have been issued for the 
years 1945-1949, and these have been reviewed in earlier issues of the 
North Carolina Historical Review. Presidential materials issued from 
the White House during 1950 and transcripts of news conferences are 
included. This is the first volume to contain the full text of President 
Truman's news conferences; addresses and speeches are printed just 
as they were delivered. The editor of the present volume was Warren 
R. Reid, assisted by Mildred B. Berry. The 866-page book is indexed 
and was published by the Government Printing Office in Washington. 
Copies are $7.75. 

The Land Utilization Program, 1934 to 1964: Origin, Development, 
and Present Status is the subject of Agricultural Economic Report 
Number 85. This 85-page booklet reviews the government's program 
of converting farm land to other uses and reviews the utilization of 
submarginal land projects which were begun in the 1930's. These 
acres were developed and improved and are today being used as 
timber lands, as forage for livestock, as recreational facilities, and as 
wildlife refuges. Persons interested in recent agricultural history will 
want to order copies of this publication which contains an excellent 
Bibliography and statistical tables in addition to the text. Unfortu- 
nately, there is no Index. Single copies are available from the Office 
of Information, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C, 

A new information service has been initiated by the National 
Archives and Records Service of the General Services Administration 
in Washington. Entitled Weekly Compilation of Presidential Docu- 
ments, Volume I, Number 1, was issued on August 2, 1965. The in- 
dexed publication, which will be published each Monday, will con- 
tain transcripts of news conferences, messages to Congress, and public 
addresses and statements of the President. Teachers of recent history 
and of political science will be particularly interested in subscribing to 
this service at a cost of $6.00 a year. Prices of individual copies will 
vary. Subscriptions and further information may be obtained from 
the Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, D. C., 20402. 

Book Reviews 101 

Archeology and the Historical Society by J. C. Harrington is 
designed to help the layman identify situations in which archaeology 
may be helpful and to furnish some practical advice on how to pro- 
ceed once the need is recognized. The attractive format, illustrations, 
and a list of selected references make this 48-page booklet well worth 
the $1.00 cost. Send orders to the American Association for State and 
Local History, 132 Ninth Avenue North, Nashville, Tennessee, 37203. 

The Confederate Reveille, Memorial Edition, published by the 
Pamlico Chapter of the Daughters of the Confederacy, Washington, 
May 10, 1898, has been republished as a Centennial Edition by the 
Pamlico Chapter and the North Carolina Confederate Centennial 
Commission, December, 1964. This 164-page booklet contains a 
chapter on Washington during the Civil War; a brief sketch of the 
Fourth Regiment, N.C.S.T.; brief biographical sketches and pictures 
of officers; and a list of North Carolina Generals in the Confederate 
Army. Books are available at $1.00 from Mrs. J. H. B. Andrews, Pres- 
ident, Pamlico Chapter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, 216 
College Avenue, Washington Park, Washington, North Carolina. 

The edition of Albion W. Tourgee's A Fool's Errand, which was 
edited by John Hope Franklin and published in 1961 by the Harvard 
University Press, has been reissued in a paper-back version. A full 
review by Otto H. Olsen was carried in the Winter, 1962, issue of the 
North Carolina Historical Review. Readers interested in obtaining 
the paper-back edition may purchase it from the Belknap Press of 
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, for $2.25. 

In Pursuit of the General: A History of the Civil War Railroad Raid, 
by William Pittenger with Foreword by Colonel James G. Bogle and 
artwork by Harlan Hiney and Wilbur G. Kurtz, is a new edition and 
exact reproduction of Pittenger's Daring and Suffering, published in 
1863. Since that time many accounts have been written and great 
liberties taken with the facts of "the most thrilling railroad adven- 
ture," but Pittenger's account, written shortly after his release as a 
prisoner of war, is the only true story of this famous Civil War event. 
The "General," carefully restored by the Louisville & Nashville Rail- 
road and reconditioned to run again under its own steam, made a 
series of Civil War Centennial tours. The book, published by Golden 
West Books, a Division of Pacific Railroad Publications, Inc., San 
Marino, California, is $6.95. 



Director's Office 

James W. Atkins died at Burnsville, October 13, 1965. He was editor 
and publisher of the Gastonia Gazette until his retirement some years ago. 
He was a member of the Executive Board of the Department of Archives 
and History from 1958 until 1963. 

The Confederate Roster Advisory Committee, of which Mr. Hector 
MacLean, Lumberton, is chairman, held a meeting in Raleigh August 6. 
Mrs. Ernest J. Meiere, Jr., Lexington, president of the North Carolina 
Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, was present as were 
several former presidents. Through November 12 the committee had 
raised more than $9,000 of non-state funds for the North Carolina Con- 
federate Roster. Under the law every dollar of this is matched equally 
by state appropriation, but the latter is not available unless and until it 
has been matched. 

Members of the Executive Mansion Fine Arts Committee held several 
meetings and made trips to Old Salem and to Washington, D. C, in con- 
nection with the committee's program to refurnish the mansion suitably. 
While in Washington, the group toured the White House as well as other 
places of historic interest. Mrs. John Pearce, a member of the committee, 
is the museum professional who advised Mrs. John F. Kennedy in refur- 
nishing the White House. 

The annual convention of the American Association for State and Local 
History was held in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, October 13-15. Dr. 
Christopher Crittenden, who served as the first president of the organi- 
zation, spoke on "After Twenty-five Years." 

Dr. Crittenden represented Governor Dan K. Moore on August 25 when 
the United Daughters of the Confederacy dedicated a monument to the 
soldiers and sailors of the Confederacy at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, and 
on September 15 when "Reynolda," the former home of R. J. Reynolds 
in Winston-Salem, was donated and dedicated as headquarters of the 
Piedmont University Center. 

The Executive Board of the State Department of Archives and History 
held its regular biannual meeting September 21. At that time Secretary 
of State Thad Eure administered the oath of office to the following: Dr. 
Gertrude Carraway, New Bern (reappointed) ; Mr. Harry T. Gatton, 
Raleigh, succeeding Mr. MacDaniel Lewis of Greensboro; and Dr. Hugh 
T. Lefler, Chapel Hill, succeeding Dr. Robert F. Durden, Durham. Mr. 
Josh L. Home, Rocky Mount, was elected chairman. 

Historical News 103 

The Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation has granted $5,000 to the Wake 
Forest College Birthplace Society, Inc., toward the completion of the 
restoration of the interior of the Wake Forest College Birthplace in Wake 

On October 7-10 the National Trust for Historic Preservation held its 
annual meeting in North Carolina with more than 500 in attendance. The 
headquarters and most of the sessions were in Raleigh with side trips to 
Tryon Palace and Old Salem. 

The suit of the Daniel Boone Memorial Association against the State 
Department of Archives and History was heard before Judge William H. 
Copeland in Wake County Superior Court on October 12-13. The asso- 
ciation seeks to compel the payment of $15,000 which was appropriated 
by the 1963 General Assembly for the "Daniel Boone homeplace," in 
Davidson County, provided this place is "approved as a Historic Site by 
The Historic Sites Advisory Committee." The committee, having pre- 
viously studied the evidence, had determined that the evidence was 
insufficient to establish the "Daniel Boone homeplace ... as a Historic 
Site." Following a hearing of several hours, Judge Copeland remanded 
the case to the committee for further study. 

Dr. Crittenden spoke briefly at the dedication of a marker to Agricul- 
tural Extension Services, States ville, October 23. 

The department was represented at the Southern Historical Association 
in Richmond, Virginia, November 18-20, by Dr. H. G. Jones, Mrs. Eliza- 
beth W. Wilborn, Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, and Mr. Thornton W. 
Mitchell. v 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Persons from Missouri, Louisiana, Florida, British Guiana, and the 
Philippines have studied North Carolina's archives-records management 
program in recent months. 

Mrs. Julia C. Meconnahey, an archivist on the staff of the department 
for more than thirty years prior to her retirement in 1959, died on Sep- 
tember 7. 

Dr. H. G. Jones, state archivist, and Mr. C. F. W. Coker, assistant state 
archivist, attended the meeting of the Society of American Archivists 
and Association of Records Executives and Administrators in New York, 
October 6-8. Dr. Jones read a paper, "The State Archivist and His Per- 
sonnel Problems," and was re-elected treasurer of the society. On October 
11 Dr. Jones represented the department at the dedication of the Georgia 
Archives Building in Atlanta. Mr. Thornton W. Mitchell, assistant state 
archivist (state records), spoke on records appraisal at a symposium on 
archival administration in Nashville, Tennessee, on November 12. 

Miss Kathryn S. Pruitt has been promoted to Archivist I and has 
transferred to Local Records; Mrs. Ruby D. Arnold has been promoted 
to Archivist II. 

For the quarter ending September 30, the division reported the follow- 
ing statistics: 1,435 researchers were served in person and 1,109 by mail; 

104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

753 photocopies, 1,836 xerographic copies, 164 prints from microfilm, 58 
typed certified copies, and 124 reels of microfilm were furnished the 
public; 25,154 pages of deteriorating documents were laminated; and 
135,550 linear feet of negative and positive microfilm were processed. 

The following additional newspapers have been microfilmed: Morning 
Post (Raleigh, daily), 1897-1905, 33 reels, and Raleigh Post (weekly), 
1900, 1 reel; People's Press (Winston, weekly), 1852-1892, 15 reels; 
Daily Pilot (Winston), 1883-1884, 1 reel. 

Among the recent acquisitions are the following records: three manu- 
script laws of the General Assembly, 1754; photocopies of several Civil 
War letters and documents relating to Henry A. London and to John 
Chavis; photocopies of a number of letters and documents relating to 
Caswell County, 1838-1906; the minute books of the board of directors 
(1904-1965) and stockholders meetings (1866-1964) of the North Caro- 
lina Railroad Company; correspondence, 1825-1925, and genealogical 
material relating to Mrs. Mattie Wiggins Jones Dameron and others; 
microfilms of several volumes of records relating to North Carolina in the 
Draper Manuscript Collection in the State Historical Society of Wiscon- 
sin ; and correspondence and accounts relating to James I. Anderson and 
Hertford County, C.1870-c.l900. A significant collection of private letters 
of Zebulon B. Vance and his first wife, Harriet Espy Vance, was received 
as a gift from the heirs of Mrs. Mary Hendren Vance, but the papers are 
closed for five years. 

Original records have been received from Sampson, Stokes, Transyl- 
vania, and Wayne counties. Microfilm copies of various records of Beau- 
fort, Buncombe, Gates, Lincoln, Mecklenburg, and Nash counties have 
been placed in the Search Room for public use. Microfilming of perma- 
nently valuable records of Sampson and Iredell counties has been com- 
pleted, and work is now in progress in Moore and Stokes counties. 

The summary of annual reports of records holdings made by state 
agencies was submitted to Governor Dan K. Moore on September 17. This 
report showed that on June 30 state records included 99,086 cubic feet 
in state agencies; 14,020 cubic feet in institutions; 2,529 cubic feet in 
licensing and examining boards ; and 38,608 cubic feet in the State Records 
Center. This total of 154,243 cubic feet was an increase of 11,043 cubic 
feet over the previous year. The volume of new records created was 
slightly less than the prior year, but there was also a sharp reduction of 
records destroyed by the agencies. Not only are there more state records 
than ever before; more of them occupy office space and filing equipment. 

A total of 19 "Memorandums of Understanding" have been signed that 
list essential records and specify how they are to be protected. 

In the State Records Center, 2,106 cubic feet were received during the 
period ending September 30, 1965, and 1,480 cubic feet were disposed of. 
The net gain of 626 cubic feet brought the total holdings of the center to 
39,235 cubic feet. During the same period, 25,616 reference services were 

In the Microfilm Project, microfilming of Teachers* and State Employees' 
Retirement System current account cards for security purposes was 

Historical News 105 

resumed, and filming of Board of Health birth certificates was continued. 
The filming of Department of Administration, Property Control and Con- 
struction Division, plans and blueprints was completed; and filming of 
the Secretary of State's Land Grant Record Books was begun. 

Division of Historic Sites 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, historic sites superintendent, attended the meetings, 
October 13-15, of the American Association for State and Local History 
in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. He is a member of the council and serves 
as awards representative for the southeastern states. Winners of this 
year's awards in North Carolina are: the North Carolina Confederate 
Centennial Commission, Mr. Norman C. Larson, executive secretary; 
Mr. Earl Weatherly, former president of the Greensboro Historical 
Museum; Mr. Frank L. Horton, director of research for Old Salem; and 
the Branch Banking and Trust Company. 

Work on the "Cupola House" in Edenton is progressing. The Water 
Resources Department has completed the first phase of the beach erosion 
project at the Fort Fisher State Historic Site. The visitor center-museum 
at the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace near Weaverville was dedicated on 
October 23. Congressman Roy A. Taylor made the principal address. 
Construction of the visitor center-museum at the Brunswick Town Site 
began in September. Mr. George Demmy joined the staff as archaeological 
assistant. A new historic site assistant, Mr. L. J. Lee, has been assigned 
to the Caswell Memorial Site. 

Mr. Stanley A. South, staff archaeologist, presided at the Sixth Con- 
ference on Historic Sites Archaeology which met jointly with the South- 
eastern Archaeological Conference, November 11, at Macon, Georgia. He 
read a paper on an analysis of pottery recovered at Bethabara, the site 
of an early Moravian settlement. 

Mr. Frank E. Walsh, museums co-ordinator, recently prepared A Guide 
to North Carolina's State Historic Sites, which gives a brief sketch of 
each site. 

Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, staff historian, and Mr. Robert 0. Conway, 
historic sites specialist, represented the department at various marker 

Division of Museums 

Information and letters inviting membership in the Tarheel Junior 
Historian Association were mailed to school principals and North Caro- 
lina history teachers in September. The September issue of Tarheel Junior 
Historian featuring "Forests of North Carolina — Yesterday and Today," 
was distributed to club members and to libraries requesting copies. En- 
rollment in the association to date is seventy-eight clubs. 

Two new slide programs, "A Visit to Brunswick Town," and "Early 
Churches in North Carolina," and a copy of the film, "A Portrait of Bath 
Town," were prepared for circulation from the extension service. 

106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Exhibits were completed and installed in the new Fort Fisher visitor 
center-museum and in the new Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace visitor center- 
museum. In connection with a Meredith College course, five students 
began museum training in September. A program of tours of the museum 
for student groups is being continued this fall. In conjunction with the 
annual meeting of the National Trust for Historic Preservation, a special 
exhibit depicting the history of pottery in North Carolina was opened to 
the public until January 1, 1966. Plaques listing the members of the 1840 
Senate and House of Commons were installed in the respective chambers 
of the Capitol in October. Mrs. Sue R. Todd, registrar, presented a fashion 
show, featuring clothing dating from the 1790's, to the State College 
Woman's Club, September 16, and to the Quota Club convention in 
Raleigh in October. 

Mr. Robert Mayo, exhibits curator, attended the Midwest Museums 
Conference September 21-24 in Springfield, Illinois. Mrs. Joye Jordan, 
museums administrator, attended the following meetings: International 
Committee for Regional Museums in New York, September 22-26 ; Amer- 
ican Association for State and Local History and the Junior Historian 
Directors Conference in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, October 13-15; and 
the Southeastern Museums Conference in Jacksonville, Florida, October 
27-30. She served as liaison between the local tour and hospitality com- 
mittee and the National Trust for Historic Preservation which met in 
Raleigh in October. 

Division of Publications 

The list of publications available from the Department of Archives and 
History has been revised ; copies of the new list may be obtained free of 
charge from the department. Publications distributed during the third 
quarter included 200 documentary volumes; 140 small books; 2,986 
pamphlets, charts, and maps (including 248 Tercentenary pamphlets) ; 
3,675 leaflets and brochures; and 3,955 copies of the list of publications. 
Two thousand and fifty-six copies of the Autumn, 1965, issue of the 
Review were mailed. Publications of the Confederate Centennial Com- 
mission were turned over to the Department of Archives and History 
when the commission went out of existence at the end of June, 1965. 
Copies of commission publications still in print may be ordered from the 
department's Division of Publications. 

Receipts for the third quarter totaled $6,017 with $4,232 being retained 
by the department and $1,785 being turned over to the North Carolina 
Literary and Historical Association. 

The Editorial Board met September 16 to review the over-all publica- 
tions program. The board unanimously passed a resolution urging that 
at least one additional editorial assistant be added to the staff, a resolution 
which was endorsed by the Executive Board at its meeting on September 
21. No professional position has been added to the staff of the division 
since June 1, 1951. Funds for an editorial assistant for eight months to 
work on the Sanford Letter Book were made available from the Con- 

Historical News 107 

tingency and Emergency Fund; this position was filled by Miss Marie 
D. Moore on November 1. 

Four Meredith College history majors, taking the intern course spon- 
sored by the department, are working in the Division of Publications 
during the fall semester. 

Volume III of The John Gray Blount Papers, edited by Dr. William H. 
Masterson, is scheduled for publication in the near future. Covering the 
years 1796-1802, the volume will be priced at $5.00 plus a 25-cent handling 
charge on mail orders. 

Colonial Records Project 

Activities of the Colonial Records Project are now directed toward 
publication of early records of higher courts of the North Carolina colony. 
The volume being prepared will include minutes, dockets, and file papers 
for terms of court held in the seventeenth century. Photocopies of the 
documents to be published are being assembled and transcribed. 

The Carolina Charter Corporation is seeking donations to match the 
$25,000 grant-in-aid from the state, which is contingent on matching 
funds from non-state sources. Donations of $5,000 from the North Caro- 
lina Society of the Cincinnati and $200 from the Belk Foundation have 
made available like amounts from the state grant. These additional funds 
have made it possible to expand the project staff. In addition to the 
editor, the staff now includes five part-time members, whose total working 
time is equivalent to that of three full-time employees. 

A meeting of the Carolina Charter Corporation was held in Ealeigh 
on October 21, with the president, the Honorable Francis E. Winslow of 
Rocky Mount, presiding. Reports on the Colonial Records Project were 
presented by the director of the department and by the project editor. 
Mrs. L. Y. Ballentine, reporting for the committee on finance, stated that 
the committee had made contacts and planned to make others that were 
expected to result in sufficient donations to match the $25,000 grant. In 
addition to Mrs. Ballentine, the committee on finance includes Mr. Armi- 
stead J. Maupin, Mr. James G. W. MacLamroc, and Dr. Henry W. Jordan. 


Appalachian State Teachers College announced the following faculty 
news : Dr. J. Max Dixon was promoted to professor and named chairman 
of history, and Mr. Malcolm Partin was promoted to assistant professor ; 
additions include Dr. Robert Neal Elliott, professor, Dr. Joseph Manuel 
Leon, assistant professor, and Mr. William Ira Young, instructor. 

New appointments to the history faculty as of September, 1965, at 
Greensboro College include Mrs. Ann Bowden, instructor, and Mrs. 
Carolyn H. Smith, instructor and registrar. 

108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon, Meredith College, participated in a panel dis- 
cussion at the Fall Forum of North Carolina Council of Women's Organi- 
zations in Greensboro, November 3; she spoke on "Women in Education 
and in Politics." 

Dr. John S. Curtiss, professor of history, Duke University, has pub- 
lished a book entitled, The Russian Army under Nicholas I. 

East Carolina College announced the following faculty changes: Dr. 
Henry C. Ferrell and Dr. David N. Thomas were promoted to associate 
professors; Dr. Lala Carr Steelman was promoted to professor; Dr. Fred 
Ragan has accepted a one-year appointment as assistant professor effec- 
tive September 1. 

A National Defense Education Act Institute in Recent United States 
History was held June 8-July 28 at East Carolina College. Thirty-five 
high school history teachers from North Carolina and four other states 
participated in the curriculum for improvement in the knowledge and 
instruction of twentieth century United States history. Instructors were 
Drs. Henry C. Ferrell, Jr., Charles L. Price, and Joseph F. Steelman of 
East Carolina College and Dr. Ernest A. Duff, political scientist at 
Randolph-Macon Woman's College. Dr. John C. Ellen, Jr., East Carolina 
College, directed the institute. Guest lecturers, specialists in recent United 
States history, were Drs. Arthur S. Link, Princeton University; Dewey 
W. Grantham, Vanderbilt University; Robert F. Durden and Richard L. 
Watson, Duke University; Edward Younger, University of Virginia; and 
W. Burlie Brown, Tulane University. 

Drs. Lawrence F. Brewster and Charles L. Price attended the fall 
meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina at Davidson College. 
Dr. Henry C. Ferrell, Jr., attended the Southern Historical Association 
in Richmond and presented a paper, "Claude Swanson and the Origins of 
the Byrd Organization." 

East Carolina College Symposium on History and the Social Studies — 
Twentieth Century United States History was held December 3-4 for 
secondary school teachers of history and the social studies. 

Queens College announced the appointment of Dr. John L. Hondros, 
formerly of Auburn University, as assistant professor of history. 

Effective September 1, additions to the history faculty of North Caro- 
lina State University at Raleigh include Mr. Donald A. Kawash, instruc- 
tor, and Mr. Edward B. Billingsley, assistant professor, Fort Bragg 


The Historical Society of North Carolina met October 29 at Davidson 
College. Dr. Marvin L. Brown, Jr., professor of history at North Carolina 
State University at Raleigh, and Dr. Richard L, Zuber, assistant professor 

Historical News 109 

of history at Wake Forest College, were elected members. Dr. Henry S. 
Stroupe, Wake Forest College, gave the presidential address. New officers 
are: Dr. James W. Patton, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 
president ; Dr. Mattie Russell, Duke University, vice-president ; Dr. Elmer 
Puryear, Greensboro College, secretary-treasurer. 

The Beaufort Historical Association met July 26 with Dr. John Costlow, 
president, presiding over the business meeting; reports were given on 
various projects including plans for a furniture exchange, the publication 
of a map showing the Old Burying Ground, and a map of the town show- 
ing homes built prior to 1864. At the September 28 meeting Mr. John 
McCormack, Atlantic, spoke on Indian artifacts of the Atlantic area and 
the whaling industry on Shackleford Banks. On October 26 Mrs. Bess 
Guion, New Bern, gave an illustrated lecture on the Museum of Early 
Southern Decorative Arts at Old Salem. 

The Bertie County Historical Association met October 28; Mrs. M. B. 
Gillam, Sr., president, presided. Efforts are being made to complete the 
drive for restoration funds for Hope House. Mrs. W. E. White, Colerain, 
spoke on "Hope Yesterday and Tomorrow." 

The Brunswick County Historical Society met August 9. Dr. Arthur 
W. Cooper, Professor of Botany, North Carolina State University at 
Raleigh, spoke on the natural history and marsh complex of Baldhead 

The Caldwell County Historical Society sponsored the Blue Ridge Arts 
and Crafts Show November 1-4; proceeds will be used for historical 
restoration. Several educational films and recordings were presented ; Mr. 
Carter Hudgins, Marion, gave a program on "Rock Collecting" and 
"Flowers Typical of the Mountain Areas" ; and Mrs. Robert Rogers spoke 
on "Arts and Crafts of Early North Carolina." The Dr. Spainhour 
Building in Lenior has been moved and reconstructed as a museum. The 
$40,000 goal has been reached for the restoration of Fort Defiance. 

The Catawba County Historical Association met September 1 at Newton. 
Mrs. J. W. Inscoe, Jr., was guest speaker. The association met October 6 
for the annual business meeting ; new officers are as follows : Mr. G. Sam 
Rowe, Sr., president; Mrs. Rome Jones and Mr. Richard Abernethy, vice- 
presidents; Mrs. Roy Smyre, secretary; Mrs. Frances Snyder, treasurer; 
Mr. J. Paul Wagner j historian ; and Mrs. Marguerite May, custodian. 

The Chatham County Historical Society met October 19 at Pittsboro. 
Mrs. Elizabeth Wilborn of the State Department of Archives and History 
was guest speaker. 

The Cherokee Historical Association received notification that "Unto 
These Hills" has been selected by the Department of Commerce, United 

110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

States Travel Service in Washington, for inclusion in the world-wide cam- 
paign to encourage travel in the United States. This is the only outdoor 
drama included among the 110 attractions to be publicized in every nation 
of the world. 

The Cleveland County Historical Society has received from the Jefferson 
Standard Broadcasting Company a kinescope of the Battle of Kings 
Mountain documentary which WBTV, Charlotte, telecast on its "Land of 
the Free" program. The society is now searching for suitable temporary 
quarters for care and display of valuable historical items until a Cleve- 
land County museum can be established. 

The Durham-Orange Historical Society met October 20 at Durham. Mr. 
R. 0. Everett, president, presided and was presented a plaque by Mr. 
Herbert C. Bradshaw, editor of the Durham Morning Herald editorial 
page, on behalf of the society in appreciation "for his continued interest 
in and work for the Bennett Place." Dr. Richard L. Watson, Jr., head of 
the Duke University history department, and chairman of the society's 
history project, reported progress on the writing of a new history of 
Durham. Dr. W. B. Hamilton, Duke history department, presented a 
paper on the origin and development of the Research Triangle and pointed 
out some of the problems that still confront the leaders in the project. 

The Franklin County Historical Society met September 30 at Louisburg. 
Mr. Lindley Butler, president, presided and announced the use of a room 
in the Louisburg College library for the storage of items of historical 
value. The association donated $100 to the Franklin Academy Restoration 
Committee. The program featured songs of the Revolutionary and Civil 
War periods. On October 28 the society was shown a color film, "Road to 

The Haywood Historical Association's board of directors met October 1 
at the Lanning Pioneer Cabin which has been leased for use as a museum. 
Mr. Frank Rogers, president, presided and reported donations of items 
for the museum. The October 26 meeting featured histories of three 
churches as follows: Mr. Frank Rogers, First Methodist, Waynesville; 
Mrs. R. R. Campbell, First Baptist, Waynesville; and Mrs. T. S. Setzer, 
Maggie Methodist. Mr. Amos Medford spoke on early churches in Hay- 
wood County before the Civil War. 

The Historic Hillsborough Commission launched a "Friends of Hills- 
borough" drive in October to aid its current restoration program. The 
immediate goal is $14,000 to match a conditional grant of $7,000 from the 
Richardson Foundation. The fund-raising committee is composed of Mrs. 
S. R. Prince, Reidsville, chairman, Mr. James Webb, Greensboro, Dr. 
Hunter Sweaney, Durham, Mr. Edwin J. Hamlin, Dr. H. W. Moore, and 
Mr. James H. Coman, Jr., Hillsborough, In October Governor Dan K 

Historical News 111 

Moore made appointments to the Historic Hillsborough Commission. Re- 
appointed were Mr. A. H. Graham, Hillsborough, Mr. James Webb, 
Greensboro, Mrs. S. R. Prince, Reidsville, and Miss Mary B. Forrest, 
Hillsborough. New appointees were Mrs. Fred Cates, Jr., Mr. H. Conway 
Browning, Mr. James H. Coman, Jr., Mr. J. P. Hughes, and Mr. Lucius 
McGehee Cheshire, all of Hillsborough. Terms of all appointees will expire 
May 1, 1971. 

A "Tour of Historic Sites in Northern Orange County" was sponsored 
September 12 by the Historic Hillsborough Commission, the Hillsborough 
Historical Society, and the Orange County Historical Museum, together 
with the Hillsborough Chamber of Commerce. Residents of the Cedar 
Grove community, led by Mrs. Robert W. Isley, co-operated with the Hills- 
borough organizations. The tour, which followed a broad semicircle north 
of Hillsborough, included old churches, chapels and cemeteries ; Governor 
Thomas Burke's grave at Tyaquin; early houses including "Sunnyside," 
Captain John Berry's country home; Maple Hill, sites of early schools 
and academies; sites of old mills, including the state's first paper mill 
(1777) ; and a number of historical markers. At Cedar Grove, the visitors 
were told of the recent community restoration of the ancient burial 
ground. A special Hillsborough exhibit, "A Colonial Town Conserves Its 
Past," was displayed at the meeting of the National Trust for Historic 
Preservation in Raleigh, October 7-10 ; the exhibit was on display later in 

The Orange County Historical Museum Board at its October meeting 
heard Mr. Kenneth W. Whitsett, Charlotte muralist, present preliminary 
sketches for three large murals he will paint to cover the entire upper 
rear wall of the museum. They will depict the Battle of Alamance and the 
Regulator disturbance, the occupation of the area by Cornwallis and his 
army, and the Hillsborough Constitutional Convention of 1788. 

The steering committee of the Historic Hope Foundation met September 
30. Plans were made for an exhibit at the meeting of the National Trust 
for Historic Preservation October 7-10 in Raleigh. 

The Jones County Historical Society met October 18 to plan for the 
inclusion of Jones County in the eastern North Carolina spring tours of 
historic sites. Several sites are being considered for restoration and inclu- 
sion in the tour. 

The Johnston County Historical Society held its quarterly meeting 
October 31. Mr. C. S. Coats, president, presided. The speaker was the 
Reverend Albert Picket Dickson, Plumtree, a descendant of John Smith, 
Jr., for whom the town of Smithfield was named. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society met November 17 at Wil- 
mington. Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, head of the department of history at 

112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

East Carolina College, spoke on "The Stamp Act." The society's bulletin 
for November carried "A Letter from the President," by Mr. Douglas 
Hudson; "A Story of the Port of Wilmington," by James Laurence 
Sprunt; and Part VIII of an article on "Development of Libraries in the 
Lower Cape Fear," by Mrs. Barbara Beeland Render. 

The Mecklenburg County Historical Association met October 18 at 
Charlotte. Mr. John Staton presided at the business meeting which in- 
cluded the election of officers and discussion of the acquisition of a 
building. Miss Anne Batten, a teacher at Sedgefield Junior High School, 
and some of her students showed a film of the restoration of Tryon 

The Moore County Historical Association's board of governors of the 
Shaw House met September 27 to review progress since the spring 
meeting and to plan for the coming season. The Shaw House will open 
February 1 for luncheons and teas. Dr. Colon G. Spence, immediate past 
president of the association, died October 20. 

The New Bern Historical Society sponsored a white elephant sale 
October 20 at the Attmore-Oliver House. 

Members of the Onslow County Historical Society toured Brunswick 
County August 17 as one phase of their annual tour of North Carolina 
points of historical interest. The Brunswick County Historical Society 
was host to the Onslow group which toured Brunswick Town, Forts 
Johnston and Caswell, and the Battleship "North Carolina." Miss Hath- 
away Price, vice-president, presided over the September 15 meeting at 
which Miss Sybil Franck spoke. A short memorial for the late Elmer 
Griece was held. At the October 20 meeting, new officers were elected as 
follows: Mr. K. B. Hurst, president; Mr. N. E. Day and Miss Adelaide 
McLarty, vice-presidents; Mr. Hedrick Aman, treasurer; Miss Hathaway 
Price and Mrs. Hedrick Aman, secretaries. 

The Person County Historical Society met October 10 at the Ben Reade 
home in the Mt. Tirzah Community. Miss Annie Belle Crowder, president, 
presided. Mrs. A. F. Nichols traced the history of the Reade home, and 
Miss Pamela Reade gave a biography of Edwin Reade. After a tour of 
the home, a wreath was placed at the foot of a monument dedicated to 
Stephen Moore and his family. 

The Pitt County Historical Society met September 15, in Greenville. 
Dr. Robert L. Humber, president, presided and introduced Dr. L. F. 
Brewster, East Carolina College, who spoke on "Some Aspects of Pitt 
County History, 1790-1860." 

The Raleigh Historic Sites Commission at recent meetings heard re- 
ports from a number of committees appointed to investigate projects for 
concentrated action. The Raleigh City Cemetery, which contains a record 

Historical News 113 

of much of the early history of the city, was given priority, and contribu- 
tions have been made for beautification and preservation. Trees and 
shrubs will be planted at the entrance gates, and plans are under way for 
the restoration of the Jacob Johnson monument in co-operation with the 
Andrew Johnson Memorial Commission. 

The Southern Appalachian Historical Association met September 27 
and heard a very encouraging financial report on "Horn in the West," the 
drama sponsored by the association. Directors elected for three-year terms 
were Mr. Frank Auten, Dr. R. H. Harmon, Mr. J. E. Holshouser, Jr., Mr. 
James Marsh, Mrs. Earleen G. Pritchett, Mrs. Lee Reynolds, Miss Rachel 
Rivers, Miss Jane Smith, Mr. Paul Smith, Mr. Ned Trivette, and Mrs. 
Carrie Winkler. At the October 18 meeting the following officers were 
elected: Dr. I. G. Greer, president; Dr. R. H. Harmon and Dr. Ray Law- 
rence, vice-presidents; Mrs. Earleen Pritchett, secretary; and Mr. Lynn 
Holaday, treasurer. 

The Tryon Palace Commission celebrated its twentieth anniversary 
November 3-4 with addresses by former Governor Luther H. Hodges and 
Governor Dan K. Moore (address read by Mrs. Moore in the absence of 
Governor Moore). Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger, Greensboro, president, pre- 
sided over the various meetings. Short talks were given by Miss Gertrude 
Carraway, director, Tryon Palace ; Mr. D. L. Ward ; Mayor Mack L. Lup- 
ton; and Miss Virginia Home, Wadesboro, chairman of the acquisition 
committee. Color slides of the restoration from its beginnings were shown. 

The annual meeting of the Wachovia Historical Society was held 
October 19. Directors were elected, and a program about archaeological 
work at Bethabara was given. 

The Wayne County Historical Society met October 28 at Goldsboro. 
Mr. Durwood Wiggins, president, presided. Plans were discussed for the 
construction of an Indian village of the type the Tuscarora Indians had 
in the Nahunta section before they were forced to leave following their 
defeat in the Tuscarora Indian War. Mr. Charles Holloman was guest 

The Yadkin County Historical Society, of which Mr. Jimmie R. Hutch- 
ins, Yadkinville, is president, met September 10 at Jonesville. Pictures 
of old buildings in the county were shown. The organization plans to 
secure the present county jail when it is vacated and make use of it. 

A joint meeting of the Western North Carolina Historical Association 
and the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association was held in 
Asheville, July 30-31. Dr. Christopher Crittenden spoke on the work of 
the State Department of Archives and History. Mr. Robert W. Gray, 
director of the Southern Highland Handcraft Guild, discussed the devel- 
opment of crafts in western North Carolina and showed slides of various 

114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

crafts. Mr. Robert 0. Conway gave an illustrated talk on the Vance 
Birthplace, and Mr. Richard Iobst spoke on "Zeb Vance and Harriet 
Esby — Portrait of a Marriage." 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association met October 30. 
Mr. Glenn Tucker, president, presided. The Thomas Wolfe Trophy will 
not be awarded this year ; the rules for this award have been revised, and 
in the future the award will be more widely publicized. It is given for the 
best book written by a native or resident of the twenty-three western 
counties or by someone outside the region whose book has the mountain 
area as its setting. Mr. Charles L. Russell of Brevard gave a history of 
Ecusta Paper Company. Miss Martha Boswell, Brevard, spoke on "The 
Impact of the Civil War on the Upper French Broad Valley." 

The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
paper developed through the combined efforts of William J. Barrow 
of the Virginia State Library, the Council on Library Resources, Inc., 
and the Standard Paper Manufacturing Company. Tests indicate that 
the paper theoretically has a useful life of at least 300 years. 



The Editorial Board of the North Carolina Historical Review is 
interested in articles and documents pertaining to the history of North 
Carolina and adjacent states. Articles on the history of other sections 
may be submitted, and, if there are ties with North Carolinians or 
events significant in the history of this state, the Editorial Board will 
give them careful consideration. Articles on any aspect of North Caro- 
lina history are suitable subject matl< ! the Review, but materials 
that are primarily genealogical are not accepted. 

In considering articles, the Editorial Board gives careful attention 
to the sources used, the form followed in the footnotes, and style in 
which the article is written, and the originality of the material and its 
interpretation. Clarity of thought and general interest of the article 
are of importance, though these two considerations would not, of 
course, outweigh inadequate use of sources, incomplete coverage of 
the subject, and inaccurate citations. 

Persons desiring to submit articles for the North Carolina Historical 
Review should request a copy of The Editors Handbook, which may 
be obtained free of charge from the Division of Publications of the De- 
partment of Archives and History. The Handbook contains informa- 
tion on footnote citations and other pertinent facts needed by writers 
I ;he Review. Each author should follow the suggestions made in 
The Editors Handbook and should use back issues of the North Caro- 
lina Historical Review as a further guide to the accepted style and 

All copy should be double-spaced; footnotes should be typed on 
separate sheets at the end of the article. The author should submit an 
original and a carbon copy of the article; he should retain a second 
carbon for his own reference. Articles accepted by the Editorial Board 
become the property of the North Carolina Historical Review and 
may not have been or be published elsewhere. The author should in- 
clude his professional title in the covering letter accompanying his 

Following acceptance of an article, publication will be scheduled in 
accordance with the established policy of the Editorial Board. Since 
usually a large backlog of material is on hand, there will ordinarily be 
a fairly long period between acceptance and publication. 

The editors are also interested in receiving for review books relating 
to the history of North Carolina and the surrounding area. 

Articles and books for review should be sent to the Division of 
Publications, State Department of Archives and History, Box 1881, 
Raleigh, North Carolina. 


North Carolina State Library 

N. c 

Span? ?966 

The North Carolina Historical Review 


Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor 
Mrs. Violet W. Quay, Editorial Associate 


John Fries Blair William S. Powell 

Miss Sarah M. Lemmon Miss Mattie Russell 

Henry S. Stroupe 


Josh L. Horne, Chairman 
Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Ralph P. Hanes 

T. Harry Gatton Hugh T. Lefler 

Fletcher M. Green Edward W. Phifer 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 1 

This review was established in January, 192 U, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $1^.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $1.00 per number. Out-of-print numbers may 
be obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, SIS North First Street, Ann 
Arbor, Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without 
special permission from the editors provided full credit is given to The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department 
of Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh, North Carolina, 27601. Mailing address is Box 1881, Raleigh, North Carolina, 
27602. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina, 27602. 

COVER— The "Tiger" as depicted by John White on her Roanoke 
colony voyage of 1585. This picture originally appeared on the map show- 
ing the fortified encampment at Puerto Rico. For an article on the "Tiger," 
see pages 115 to 121. 

7^ %wt6, (}evwU»t*, 

Volume XLIII Published in April, 1966 Number 2 


H.M.S. "TIGER" i 115 

Tom Glasgow, Jr. 



Joseph F. Steelman 





Lambert Davis 

1964-1965 157 

Henry S. Stroupe 



Stanley A. South 


Glenn Tucker 



Lawrence Lee 


William S. Powell 




Ross, The Cape Fear, by Wilma Dykeman 212 

Sharpe, A New Geography of North Carolina, Volume IV, 

by Memory F. Mitchell 213 

Hassler, The General to His Lady: The Civil War Letters 

of William Dorsey Pender to Fanny Pender, by T. Harry Gatton . 214 
Alderson and McBride, Landmarks of Tennessee History, 

by W. S. Tarlton 215 

Coulter, Old Petersburg and the Broad River Valley of Georgia, 

by Lala Carr Steelman 216 

LORANT, The New World: The First Pictures of America Made 

by John White and Jacques le Moyne and Engraved by Theo- 
dore de Bry with Contemporary Narratives of the French 

Settlements in Florida, 1562-1565, and the English Colonies 

in Virginia, 1585-1590, by Cecil Johnson 217 

Greene, The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 

1752-1778, by Don Higginbotham 219 

East Carolina College Publications in History, Essays in 

Southern Biography, by Oliver H. Orr, Jr 220 

Mathews, Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American 

Morality, 1780-18U5, by John L. Bell, Jr 221 

Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery, by 

J. Carlyle Sitterson 223 

Byrne, The View from Headquarters: Civil War Letters of 

Harvey Reid, by H. H. Cunningham 224 

Gates, Agriculture and the Civil War, by Cornelius 0. Cathey 226 

Donald, The Politics of Reconstruction: 1863-1867, 

by Horace W. Raper 227 

Woodward, After the War: A Tour of the Southern States, 

1865-1866, by T. Harry Williams 228 

Wish, Reconstruction in the South, 1865-1877: Firsthand 

Accounts of the American Southland after the Civil War, 

by Richard D. Younger . , 230 

Clark, Three Paths to the Modern South: Education, 

Agriculture, and Conservation, by Allen J. Going 231 

Gipson, The Triumphant Empire: The Rumbling of the Coming 

Storm, 1766-1770, and The Triumphant Empire: Britain 

Sails into the Storm, 1770-1776, by Carl B. Cone 232 

Brown, The King's Friends: The Composition and Motives of the 

American Loyalist Claimants, by Laura P. Freeh 233 

Main, The Social Structure of Revolutionary America, 

by Hugh T. Lefler 234 

Risjord, The Old Republicans: Southern Conservatism in the 

Age of Jefferson, by Daniel M. McFarland 236 

Conrad, The Forgotten Farmers: The Story of Sharecroppers in 

the New Deal, by Dewey W. Grantham, Jr 237 

Lord, Keepers of the Past, by Morris L. Radoff 238 

Other Recent Publications 240 


By Tom Glasgow, Jr.* 

During the 1959 good-will tour of President Dwight D. Eisen- 
hower, he was met by the British Mediterranean fleet and saluted 
by its flagship, H.M.S. "Tiger." Had this chance meeting been with 
an itinerant merchant vessel named the "Mayflower," doubtless the 
reporters with the President would have dispatched some analogous 
comments, but the "Tiger," royal ship of Queen Elizabeth II, rated 
only a chance notation among the routine events of the day. Yet, in 
the founding of Anglo-Saxon America, the royal ship "Tiger" of the 
first Queen Elizabeth was of far more consequence than the revered 
"Mayflower" of the New England pilgrims. 

Thirty-four years before the landing at Plymouth Rock and twenty- 
one years before Jamestown, a "small barcque of her maiesties called 
the "Tygre," 1 flagship of Sir Richard Grenville's little fleet, landed 
Ralph Lane on the shores of what is today North Carolina with the 
first English colony planted in the Western Hemisphere. 

In recent years the consummate research of Professor David B. 
Quinn 2 has supplied minute details of this first colony and the move- 
ment it started. In most libraries throughout the land one can find 
some information about the principal people involved— Walter Ra- 
leigh, Richard Grenville, Ralph Lane, John White, Thomas Hariot, 
and Richard Hakluyt— and the roles they played, but perhaps no 
person or object was more important to the successful launching of 
the project than was this ship. Though she was one of the lessor 

* Mr. Glasgow is a personnel placement counselor, Charlotte. 

1 David Beers Quinn (ed.), The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590: Documents To Illu- 
strate the English Voyages to North America Under the Patent Granted to Walter 
Raleigh in 158U (London: Hakluyt Society [Second Series, No. CIV], 2 volumes, 1955), 
I, 158, 228, hereinafter cited as Quinn, Roanoke Voyages. 

2 David B. Quinn, professor of modern history, University of Liverpool, began his 
study of Anglo-American colonization for the Hakluyt Society, London, with The 
Voyages and Colonising Enterprises of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 2 volumes, 1940. Then 
followed his monumental Roanoke Voyages; scheduled for publication in the near 
future is The English Voyages to North America, 1591-1605. Together these will 
comprise the most exhaustive documentary coverage ever made on this important 
phase of history. For information on Quinn, see Who*s Who, 1965 (London: Adam & 
Charles Black, 1965), 2501. 

116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ships of the Royal Navy, 3 she nevertheless was one of the Queen's 
ships. Her presence in the colonial fleet gave the fleet many times 
the prestige that could possibly have been had from the inclusion of 
the very finest private ship afloat. Because she was a well-armed war- 
ship, she enabled Grenville to capture easily Spanish prizes on the 
homeward voyage. These acquisitions from England's unofficial 
enemy proved of sufficient value to provide the financial backers of 
the enterprise a return on their investment even though the colony 
failed to materialize. 4 In that pecuniary age, it was no small matter 
to keep investors interested. Today, it is difficult to assess the full 
impact of the inclusion of this royal ship on the Elizabethan entre- 
preneur, but it caused many to view John White's pictures 5 and 
Thomas Hariot's "A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land 
of Virginia," 6 with more than idle curiosity. 

In 1546, during the reign of King Henry VIII, the original "Tiger" 
was launched and incorporated into the royal fleet. She was one of a 
new experimental type of vessel called a galleass; but she bore no 
resemblance to the vessels of that name in Mediterranean countries. 
Near her waterline she had a row of ports for oars and in her bow 
was a heavy, sharp spar for ramming. Otherwise, she was built high 
like a regular sailing ship with full sails and eight-gun broadside of 
cannon, but unlike other sailing ships, she had no superstructure or 
cabins of any sort above her top deck. 7 

No evidence exists that the oars or ram, her peculiar galleass fea- 
tures, were ever used, but as a ship she was a work horse, putting to 
sea with most royal fleets that sailed during the next fifteen years. 8 

3 R. C. Anderson, List of English Men-of-War, 1509-1649 (London: Society for 
Nautical Research, Occasional Publication No. 7, 1959) , 11-15, hereinafter cited as 
Anderson, List of English Men-of-War. 

4 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 220. 

5 See Paul Hulton and David Beers Quinn (eds.), The American Drawings of John 
White, 1577-1590, with Drawings of European and Oriental Subjects (London and 
Chapel Hill: Trustees of the British Museum and University of North Carolina Press, 
2 volumes, 1964), hereinafter cited as American Drawings of John White. 

6 See Thomas Hariot, "A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of 
Virginia," February, 1588, in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 317-387. Thomas Hariot 
accompanied the colony to study the nature and resources of the new land. Upon his 
return, his findings were compiled as a pamphlet and circulated to answer criticisms 
about the colony's failure and to promote interest in the movement. E. G. R. Taylor 
(ed.), The Original Writings & Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (London: 
Hakluyt Society [Second Series, No. LXXVII], 2 volumes, 1935), I, 41-44. 

7 R. C. Anderson, Oared Fighting Ships (London: Percival Marshall, 1962), 64-65; 
M. Oppenheim, History of the Administration of the Royal Navy and Its Relation to 
Merchant Shipping (London: John Lane, 1896), frontispiece, hereinafter cited as 
Oppenheim, History of the Administration of the Royal Navy. 

8 British Public Record Office, London, State Papers 11/11, Number 35, and 52/3, 
Number 177, hereinafter cited as P.R.O.; Tom Glasgow, Jr., "Welcome Fleet for 
Queen Mary's Bridegroom," Mariner's Mirror, XLVIII (November, 1962), 310. 

H.M.S. "Tiger" 117 

Finally, in the late 1560's, after serving four monarchs, she was 
spent. Her guns were removed and she became one of "Her Majes- 
ty's decayed ships." Normally, she would have been sold or salvaged 
for parts, but before this happened, a crisis arose between England 
and the Spanish Netherlands. So instead, she was taken into the royal 
yards in 1570 and made seaworthy again. She was not rebuilt into 
a completely new vessel as modern naval historians maintain for the 
money allocated for the work was not nearly enough to do more 
than replace her rotten timbers and make some modifications 9 which 
eliminated her ram and oar ports— her old galleass features— and re- 
fitted her into a regular sailing ship. Yet she remained a freak in one 
respect. Instead of adding the usual superstructure of low forecastle 
in the bow with a half deck, quarter deck and poop deck escheloning 
from her main mast to her stern, she had a small one-deck-high 
cabin on her bow and a similar but longer cabin at the rear. 10 She 
was still an odd ship but doubtless a good one. Soon after this, she 
was noted by Raphael Hollingshead because "of her exceeding nim- 
bleness in sailing and swiftness of course." When the fleet was next 
called out because of trouble in Ireland in 1579-1580, the "Tiger" 
was back in action, playing a principal role in defeating the Spanish 
in the Fort of Gold on Smerwick Bay. 11 In the same action Captain 
Walter Raleigh, one of the officers with the troops on shore, started 
his climb to court and royal favor. 12 

Four years later, the "Tiger" was one of three royal ships included 
in a large fleet under Sir Francis Drake for a massive raid on Spanish 
America. Because of royal indecision, this fleet was delayed months 
before sailing. During this delay, the "Tiger" was the subject of an 
unprecedented act. Quietly, almost unnoticed, she was traded to Sir 
William Winter, a member of the Navy Board, for one of his ships 
named the "Sea Dragon." The names were also traded. So the orig- 
inal royal "Tiger" sailed with Drake as the "Sea Dragon" and the 
former private ship "Sea Dragon" sailed with Grenville and the 
Roanoke colony a few months earlier as the new royal "Tiger." 13 As 

9 P.R.O., E351/2006 Pipe Roll, 1570, Admiralty. 

10 P.R.O., M.P.F. 75. This is an illustrated map showing an eyewitness picture of 
the ships in action in Smerwick Bay, Ireland, 1580. On it the "Tiger" is prominently 
shown and named by the artist. 

n P.R.O., M.P.F. 75; P.R.O., State Papers 63/76, Number 64. 

12 Willard M. Wallace, Sir Walter Raleigh (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 
1959), 17-26. 

13 Elizabethan royal ships were sometimes sold when they became old and decrenit, 
but no official record has been found of any being traded for another ship. When 
Sir Julian Corbett compiled his Papers Relating to the Navy in the Spanish War, 
1585-7, for the Navy Records Society in 1897, however, he included an unsigned manu- 

118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

it turned out, both ships played a role in this first colony. The new 
"Tiger" took it to America and the "Sea Dragon" (the old "Tiger") 
was in Drake's fleet which brought the faint-hearted colonists back 
to England a year later. 14 

A few months after the ships were traded, the new royal "Tiger" 
was invested with Raleigh's syndicate to lead his colonial fleet to 
America. The transaction was handled quietly in an effort to keep 
the information from Spain, but in spite of the security precautions, 
even before the ship had joined Grenville's fleet at Plymouth, a 

script (Lansdowne MS. LH, Art. 43, 242-257) which was a letter to William Cecil, 
Lord Burghley, alleging numerous "abuses" committed under John Hawkins* admini- 
stration of the Royal Navy between 1583 and 1587. It stated : "But so it fell out that 
Sir William Winter was to put into her Majesty's navy his ship called the Sea Dragon 
in place of the Tiger, which since is received." Another manuscript in Corbett's volume 
(p. 271) gives a list of the royal ships in December, 1585, on which Burghley noted 
the "Tiger" as the "new" "Tiger." On this evidence, Corbett claimed the ships were 
traded, but his leading contemporaries disagreed. See Michael Lewis, Armada Guns 
(London: Allen & Unwin, 1961), 51, n. 1, hereinafter cited as Lewis, Armada Guns; 
compare R. C. Anderson, "The Sixteenth Century Tiger," Mariner's Mirror, LI 
(August, 1965), 194. 

In recent years, however, important new evidence strongly supports Corbett's theory. 
The rediscovery of the Smerwick Map (P.R.O., M.P.F. 75), which shows the "Tiger" 
in 1580, portrays her as quite similar to her picture made for Henry VIII by Anthony 
Anthony in 1546. The variations between the two are easily explained by the large 
repairs in 1570 (P.R.O. E 351/2006 Pipe Roll, 1570). Yet her picture, drawn by John 
White while she was en route with Grenville in 1585, is quite different. White's picture 
is that of a typical contemporary merchant ship. Either White's picture is completely 
erroneous or the ship with Grenville was an entirely different ship from the earlier 

More tangible evidence was found when her keel-beam and depth-beam proportions 
were computed from the dimensions given in the 1590/91 list of the Royal Navy. 
They are the proportions of a merchant cargo ship, not a ship built by royal ship- 
wrights for the Royal Navy. They also in no way resemble the proportions of the 
"Bull" of 1546, an old galleass which had always been treated as a sister ship of the 
old "Tiger" — built together, used together, repaired together, and consistently rated at 
the same burden. When computed from their measurements in 1590, the "Bull" was, 
as expected, a long narrow ship of 193 tons; but the "Tiger" was much shorter and 
wider and only 149 tons. See Tom Glasgow, Jr., "The Shape of the Ships that Defeated 
the Spanish Armada," Mariner's Mirror, L (August, 1964), 183-184. 

A re-examination of the Lansdowne manuscript reveals that the author was obviously 
in a position to observe externally the naval administration, but he was not a member 
of the admiralty organization and clearly did not understand all that he saw. He 
mentioned being charged with the care of the "Galleon Leicester," a large private ship 
of the Queen's favorite, the Earl of Leicester. This ship was doubtless usually cared 
for in the royal yards and also was one of the principal vessels with Drake in 1585- 
1586. In his letter, the trade of the "Tiger" and the "Sea Dragon" is alluded to three 
times (pp. 248, 249, 251), implying the writer believed undoubtedly that it had 
occurred. Lord Burghley's notation of the "new" "Tiger" is significant also as it was 
not the nature of the Queen's great minister to make such a notation without a reason. 

So, though clearly unusual, the accumulated evidence seems to leave little doubt 
that the "Sea Dragon" was traded for the old "Tiger" just prior to the first Roanoke 
venture. Furthermore, it was probably a good trade for the Queen. Though the "Sea 
Dragon," a smaller ship, was not ideally suited for battle, she doubtless was a much 
newer ship. The "Bull" was worn-out and scrapped in 1594, but the "new" "Tiger" 
continued in the royal fleet for some six years longer and was then still a seaworthy 

14 "Drake's Great Armada ... A Summary and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drake's 
West Indian Voyage, begun in the year 1585 ..." in Charles W. Eliot (ed.), Voyages 
and Travels, Ancient and Modern, Volume 33 of The Harvard Classics (New York: 
P. F. Collier & Son Company, 50 volumes, c. 1909-1910), 238, 265-267. 

H.M.S. "Tiger" 119 

Spanish spy reported the activity, describing the "Tiger" as being 
"of 180 tons, with five guns on each side of the ship, and two demi- 
culverins in the bows." 15 

He was surprisingly accurate in his report on her guns. His report 
on her size would imply she was almost exactly the same size as the 
Pilgrims' "Mayflower," but this is quite misleading since he was only 
guessing and also was reporting in the Spanish tonelada which was 
smaller than the English ton. 16 A naval ordnance report compiled sev- 
eral months after the return of the "Tiger" from America shows her 
as having aboard at that time six demi-culverins (long-range nine- 
pounders ) , six sakers ( long-range five pounders ) , plus several smaller 
pieces. 17 

Actually, by the English tonnage rule generally in use at the time 
of the voyage of the "Mayflower," the "Tiger" had a burden of about 
150 tons— a ton by ancient law being a cask capable of carrying two 
butts, or 252 gallons of wine. 18 Interestingly, the "Mayflower" on her 
outward voyage carried 108 persons 19 or about 1.6 tons of cargo space 
for each person and the living area was not cluttered with heavy 
cannon. The smaller "Tiger" carried about 160 persons 20 or .9 tons 
per person plus 12 or more cannon ranging from some 1,800 pounds 
to a ton and a half each. 21 Certainly the "Mayflower" accommoda- 
tions were luxurious when compared to those of the "Tiger." 

In 1590 the naval officials drew up a list of royal ships, giving 
certain basic measurements. From this it seems the "Tiger" was about 
64 feet long from stem to stern. At midship, she was 23 feet wide. 
Her keel was 50 feet long and the maximum depth of her hold (from 
her lowest deck to the top of her keel— her cargo space) was 13 feet. 22 
She probably had two full decks, a main deck, or "orlop," covering 

15 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II, 728. 

16 L. C. Carr Laughton, "English and Spanish Tonnage in 1588," Mariner's Mirror, 
XLIV (May, 1958), 151-154. 

17 J. S. Corbett (ed.), Papers Relating to the Navy in the Spanish War, 1585-7 
(London: Navy Records Society, Number XI, 1897), 307. 

18 G. Robinson, The Elizabethan Ship (London: Longmans, Green and Company, 
Ltd., 1956), 53. 

19 Warwick Charlton, The Second Mayflower Adventure (Boston: Little, Brown and 
Company, c. 1957), 224, hereinafter cited as Charlton, The Second Mayflower Ad- 

20 A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1937), 204, 
hereinafter cited as Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 179. 
This is a conservative estimate. The Plymouth town records show that the fleet left 
with 600 men aboard. The total tonnage of the combined fleet was 500 to 600 tons 
or about .8 to 1.0 ton per man — if they were distributed evenly. Normally, however, 
the "Tiger" would have carried proportionately more than the smaller vessels. 

21 Lewis, Armada Guns, 32-33 ; D. W. Waters, "The Elizabethan Navy and the Armada 
Campaign," Mariner's Mirror, XXXV (April, 1949), 126. 

22 R. C Anderson, "A List of the Royal Ships in 1590-91," Mariner's Mirror, XLIII 
(November, 1957) 322. 

120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

her hold and a top deck. A picture of her painted by John White 23 
while the fleet was moored off Puerto Rico indicates, as do her 
measurements, that, except for her excessive armament, she out- 
wardly appeared much the same as the usual English merchant ship 
of that time. If pictured alongside the later "Mayflower," they would 
have looked very much alike to the average viewer— both had square 
sails with three masts and a spritsail out in front to hold her on 
course. In fact, it is quite possible that the two ships were built 
within a few years of each other. 24 

Besides her semi-piratical activities on the return voyage, the voy- 
age of the "Tiger" to Roanoke in 1585 was quite eventful. While at 
sea, "a shark cut off the leg of one of the company, sitting in the 
chains and washing himself." 25 As she neared Cape Fear, bad weather 
set in and only skillful seamanship kept her from being wrecked on 
the cape. 26 Several days later, in trying to find her way between 
Portsmouth and Ocracoke islands into Pamlico Sound, she struck 
ground, doing considerable damage to her bottom and destroying 
much of the supplies for the colony. 27 This led to an interesting side- 
light. The resulting loss of their beer supply caused the colonists to 
experiment with Indian corn and the successful brewing of the first 
corn spirits in what would later be known as North Carolina. 28 

On October 18, 1585, after 85 days at sea and 174 days since 
departing England, the "Tiger" dropped anchor once more at Plym- 
outh. 29 All things considered, she had had a most successful voyage. 
This was in large measure due to her master and pilot major of the 
venture, Captain Simon Ferdinando. Unlike the later colonies, this 
first colony pioneered new waters as well as new land. Neither Gren- 
ville nor any other of the principals in the expedition was at that time 
a seasoned seafarer, but Ferdinando, ex-pirate who was generally 
disliked by all who associated with him, was a master seaman and 
perhaps the only skilled navigator alive with previous experience in 

23 American Drawings of John White, II, Plate 3. 

24 Charlton, The Second Mayflower Adventure, 223-245. Evidence indicates that the 
"Mayflower" was quite old in 1619, but her previous history cannot be traced. She well 
could have been one of the numerous "Mayflowers" recorded in the English merchant 
service between 1580 and 1595. Regardless, there was little if any fundamental change 
in the design of English merchant ships between 1580 and 1620. 

25 J. A. Williamson (ed.), The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins (London: 
Argonaut Press, 1933), 47. 

26 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 188. 

27 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 189. 

28 Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations Voiages & Discoveries of the English 
Nation (Cambridge, England: The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press for the 
Hakluyt Society and the Peabody Museum of Salem [Photo-Lithographic Facsimile of 
the London, 1589, edition], 2 volumes, 1965), II, 748-764. 

29 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 193. 

H.M.S. "Tiger" 121 

negotiating the treacherous Carolina coastline. 30 Lane, White, and 
others did not hesitate to express their disgust with his conduct and 
character, but in the end, it was admitted that he "trewly hathe 
carryed him selfe bothe with greate skylle, and grete gouernement all 
thys voyeage, not wit/istandyng thys grete crosse to vs all; As ye 
whoole gynge [company] of masteies and marryners wyll with one 
voyce affyrme. . . ." 31 

This was the only trans-Atlantic voyage of the "Tiger" (the old 
"Sea Dragon"), but she still continued in the service of the Queen 
for many years. In 1588 she served in Lord Henry Seymour's squad- 
ron against the Spanish Armada. 32 When the Armada had been 
driven past England to the north, she was assigned under Grenville 
again in a squadron sent by the Lord Admiral to the Irish Sea to 
insure that none of the Armada would try to land in England on its 
return voyage to Spain. 33 She continued on as an active member of 
the Royal Navy until about 1600. Then she was "made into a hulk" 
and used to support the heavy chain across the Medway River to 
protect the royal dockyard at Chatham from intruders. 34 

As a royal ship of Queen Elizabeth I, the "Tiger" was part of one 
of the most famous navies in history. But when compared with the 
Queen's great ships like the "Triumph" and "White Bear" or her 
almost legendary ships like the "Revenge" and "Ark Royal," the little 
150-ton "Tiger" was quite insignificant. Yet in 1585, fate directed the 
Queen to choose her to lead one of the greatest movements of all 
times—the movement which nearly two hundred years later resulted 
in the United States of America. 

30 Tom Glasgow, "Ferdinando," State, XXX (December 22, 1962) , 9. 

81 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 202. 

82 J. K. Laughton (ed.), State Papers Relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada 
(London: Navy Records Society, 2 volumes, 1894), II, 324-325. 

83 Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville, 265. 

34 Anderson, List of English Men-of-War, 13; Oppenheim, History of the Admin- 
istration of the Royal Navy, 123. 




By Joseph F. Steelman* 

On February 10, 1912, partisans of Theodore Roosevelt met in 
Asheville to organize the Buncombe County Roosevelt Republican 
Club and to launch the state campaign to secure his nomination for 
the presidency. Richmond Pearson emerged from retirement to lead 
the Asheville movement and to direct Roosevelt's campaign in the 
state. 1 The son and namesake of one of North Carolina's outstanding 
jurists, Pearson entered the practice of law in 1872, following his 
graduation from Princeton. Two years later he was appointed consul 
to Verviers and Liege in Belgium; he resigned from that position in 
1877. From 1885 to 1889 Pearson served in the North Carolina House 
of Representatives as a Republican delegate from Buncombe County, 
and during the Fusion Era he was for four years (1895-1899) a Re- 
publican representative from the ninth congressional district. In 1900 
he successfully contested the election of William T. Crawford to the 
Fifty-sixth Congress and served as representative for a year. 2 

Theodore Roosevelt appointed Pearson as United States consul to 
Genoa, Italy, on December 11, 1901. In 1902 he was chosen envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Persia, and in 1907 he 
was named minister to Greece and Montenegro. When William 
Howard Taft was inaugurated as President, Pearson offered the 
customary resignation and it was accepted. The abrupt termination 
of his diplomatic career apparently embittered Pearson's relations 
with Taft. In October, 1909, Pearson had granted an interview se- 
verely critical of Taft's patronage policies toward North Carolina. 
It was widely believed that he had emerged as the leader of the 

* Dr. Steelman is professor of history at East Carolina College, Greenville. 

1 Asheville Gazette-News, February 5, 6, 10, 1912; News and Observer (Raleigh), 
February 11, 1912, hereinafter cited as News and Observer. 

2 Cyclopedia of Eminent and Representative Men of the Carolinas of the Nineteenth 
Century (Madison, Wisconsin: Bryant & Fuller, 2 volumes, 1892), II, 48; R. D. W. 
Connor (comp. and ed.), A Manual of North Carolina . . . 19 IS (Raleigh: North 
Carolina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 1913), 
518, 946, 947. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 


Richmond Pearson. From Editor in Politics, by Josephus Daniels. Used with per- 
mission of the publisher, the University of North Carolina Press. 

anti-Taft forces in the state as early as January, 1910. 3 Democrats 
later charged that Pearson had been fired from the diplomatic service. 4 
In addressing the Asheville rally Pearson charged that Taft had 
given preferential treatment to Democrats in the distribution of pa- 
tronage in the South. He objected particularly to Taft's views on 
Canadian reciprocity which he said betrayed Republican platform 
commitments and which would adversely affect the mica mining 
interest of western North Carolina. Taft's advocacy of life tenure in 
office for presidential appointees, without the customary approval 
by the Senate, was roundly denounced as was his proposal for civil 
pensions. The fact that Democratic attorneys were appointed to exam- 
ine land titles in areas of western North Carolina subject to purchase 

3 Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 177U-1961: The Continental 
Congress, September 5, 177 'U, to October 21, 1788, and the Congress of the United 
States from the First to the Eighty-sixth Congress, March b, 1789, to January 3, 1961, 
Inclusive (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, Eighty-fifth 
Congress, Second Session, House Document No. 442, 1961), 1437-1438; Charlotte Daily 
Observer, January 22, 1910. 

4 News and Observer, February 6, August 22, 1912; Harper's Weekly, LVI (August 
31, 1912), 4. 

124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

under the Weeks Act alienated many of the party faithful. 5 Republi- 
cans from the western counties, traditionally the party stronghold, 
concluded that Taft had deliberately prejudiced their interests. 

When Taft was elected President in 1908, Republicans gained 
more than 34,000 votes in North Carolina. This was "decidedly the 
greatest gain, absolutely as well as relatively, that the party made 
in any state of the union," and it was accomplished without financial 
support from the Republican National Committee. 6 The resurgence 
of the Democratic vote in the 1910 elections, Taft's break with the 
midwestern insurgents, interminable arguments over patronage, and 
the decline in Taft's popularity as President prompted Republicans 
throughout North Carolina to offer their support to Roosevelt in the 
presidential campaign. It was maintained that Taft had split the 
party and invited defeat; only Roosevelt possessed the qualifications 
necessary to reunite the party. Robert M. LaFollette's demise as a 
Progressive candidate gave added impetus to the movement for 
Roosevelt's nomination. 7 

Pearson and Roosevelt discussed the political situation in North 
Carolina and exchanged correspondence before the Asheville meet- 
ing was called. 8 Following the organization of Buncombe County Re- 
publicans, Pearson attended a meeting of Roosevelt's supporters in 
Chicago, where it was announced that he would undertake the man- 
agement of Roosevelt's campaign for the entire state. 9 Pearson com- 
menced a speaking tour of the western counties upon his return to 
Asheville; he revealed that shortly Roosevelt's candidacy would be 
formally launched, and he participated in the organization of Roose- 
velt clubs in several counties, including Madison and Davidson. 10 

Taft's withdrawal of the names of ten nominees that he had sent 
to the Senate added further stimulus to the Roosevelt campaign. The 
appointment of eight postmasters and two customs collectors in 

5 Asheville Gazette-News, February 10, 1912; News and Observer, February 21, 1912; 
Charles J. Harris to [William Howard Taft], February 12, 1912, William Howard 
Taft Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, hereinafter 
cited as Taft Papers. 

•William Garrott Brown, "President Taft's Opportunity," Century Magazine, 
LXXVIII (June, 1909), 255. 

7 Asheville Gazette-News, February 3, 7, 8, 9, March 23, 1912; John Motley Morehead 
to Charles D. Hiiles, March 10, 23, April 24, November 27, December 13, 1911, Taft 

8 Theodore Roosevelt to Richmond Pearson, January 20, 30, 1912, Richmond Pearson 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 
hereinafter cited as Pearson Papers. 

9 Asheville Gazette-News, February 12, 1912; News and Observer, February 21, 1912; 
Charlotte Daily Observer, February 15, 1912. 

10 Asheville Gazette-News, February 26, 27, 29, 1912; Statesville Landmark, February 
27, 1912; News and Observer, February 29, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 125 

North Carolina was delayed until after the meeting of the Republi- 
can state convention. John Motley Morehead, the Republican state 
chairman, had urged such a move for months. 11 In his bitter personal 
rivalry with the national committeeman, Edward C. Duncan, More- 
head complained that Postmaster General Frank H. Hitchcock and 
Senator Furnifold M. Simmons allied themselves with the Duncan 
faction to exert undue influence in patronage matters in the state. 
Morehead revealed that Taft's decision did not favor either faction 
of the party, "both being his avowed friends," and the withdrawals 
did not "effect [sic] to the slightest extent the sentiment as to the 
nomination," because both parties to the contest supported Taft; the 
conclusion Morehead reached was: 

simply and solely to hold all matters in North Carolina in abeyance until 
the people in convention could again express in the coming convention 
their choice and decision as between the contending factions. That is all 
there is to it ; the result of that Convention was to me a foregone conclu- 
sion and we would not have left a vestige or a remnant of the Referee 

The advent of the Rough Rider has entirely changed everything. At 
the moment, 98% of the Republican sentiment of this State is most en- 
thusiastically and riotously behind his candidacy or rather against Taft. 

There is, of course, no procedure for us except to nail the flag to the 
mast and abide the ship, preferring effacement based on principle rather 
than even the appearance of temporizing with such archaic . . . doctrine 
as they promulgated at Columbus. 12 

An entirely different interpretation of Taft's handling of the patron- 
age was forthcoming from the Roosevelt camp. "Since Mr. Taft put 
the North Carolina offices on the auction block, it has been evident 
that we can win only by getting our friends united and insisting upon 
the expression of the public will," Roosevelt wrote Richmond Pear- 
son. 13 The commonplace reaction of Roosevelt partisans was that 
Taft's manuever was a desperate bid for votes in the Republican 
national convention. In an open letter to the Republicans of North 
Carolina, Pearson, recently appointed a member of the Roosevelt 
national committee in Chicago, deplored the President's placing nom- 
inations on the "auction block." He assailed Taft for allying himself 

"John Motley Morehead to Charles D. Hilles, March 10, 23, December 13, 1911, 
Taft Papers; John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, March 19, 1912, 
William Garrott Brown Papers, Manuscript Department, Duke University Library, 
Durham, hereinafter cited as Brown Papers; News and Observer, February 21, 1912. 

12 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, March 6, 1912, Brown Papers. 

"Theodore Roosevelt to Richmond Pearson, March 2, 1912, Pearson Papers; see 
also, Outlook, C (March 30, 1912) , 724. 

126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with Democrats to force legislation and for the use of patronage to 
coerce Republicans. He added that the Republicans of his state bit- 
terly recalled that Taft described their party as "an organized chase 
for federal patronage." Pearson reminded his fellow Republicans 
that Taft was largely responsible for the loss of a million votes in five 
states in the 1910 elections; thirteen Republican governors and forty- 
four congressmen were defeated. Democrats had been favored by 
the President in appointments to the Supreme Court, the cabinet, the 
United States Treasury, and federal district judgeships. Even in the 
diplomatic service, Pearson alleged, a resident of Pennsylvania was 
charged to the North Carolina quota. 14 

On March 4, 1912, Senator Joseph L. Bristow of Kansas introduced 
a resolution instructing the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads 
to inquire into and report to the Senate on the truth or falsity of re- 
ports that nominations were withdrawn by the President on February 
19 "for the purpose of influencing the action of certain politicians in 
the state of North Carolina in regard to holding conventions 
and electing delegates to the Republican national convention of 
1912." 15 Bristow also charged that postal inspectors were sent into 
the South as political emissaries of the President. 16 The irony of the 
situation was apparent. Taft's inability to manipulate the patronage, 
and his distaste for it, was "pitiable and admirable according to the 
point of view. Finally he agreed to take his hands off entirely and 
leave the approaching convention to decide finally what leadership 
the mass of North Carolina Republicans desire." But then Roosevelt 
entered the race and "while unfed pie-seekers of the state are de- 
nouncing the President for not playing the game the old way the 
righteous Colonel is mournfully indignant for Northern consumption 
because he probably is!" 17 

Although the great majority of North Carolina Republicans ob- 
viously favored Roosevelt's candidacy, the Republican State Execu- 
tive Committee under John Motley Morehead's leadership refused 
to climb aboard the Roosevelt bandwagon. By a vote of twelve to 
six the committee endorsed the Taft administration, but it stopped 
short of proposing his renomination. Before a banquet audience of 
some seven hundred guests assembled in Raleigh's Memorial Audi- 
torium to honor Morehead, the state chairman reiterated his attack 

u Asheville Gazette-News, February 24, 1912. 

15 Congressional Record, Sixty-Second Congress, Second Session, Volume 48, Part 3 
(March 4, 1912), 2762. 

16 News and Observer, March 5, 1912 ; Asheville Gazette-News, March 5, 1912. 
"Harper's Weekly, LVI (March 16, 1912), 4. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 127 

upon Republican patronage brokers and their followers who were 
"regarded as mere chattels led here, there or anywhere by the halter 
of federal patronage." Morehead declared that the state's delegates 
to the Republican national convention in Chicago "should not be 
tied hand and foot to support any man." Edward C. Duncan was 
conspicuously absent, and his name was not mentioned during the 
proceedings. The mushrooming Roosevelt candidacy was also over- 
looked. 18 

The action of the state committee in no way deterred the Roosevelt 
Republicans. Richmond Pearson was reassured by Roosevelt, advised 
to prevent intraparty feuding, and told to co-operate with Samuel S. 
McNich and J. E. Little of Charlotte. 19 At Pearson's call some seventy- 
five Republicans from forty-nine counties met in Greensboro on March 
8 to perfect a state organization to promote Roosevelt's candidacy. 
Every congressional district except the first was represented. A state 
campaign committee and congressional district committees were se- 
lected and Zebulon Vance Walser was chosen chairman of the state 
campaign executive committee. State campaign headquarters were 
first located at Lexington but were later moved to the Benbow Hotel 
in Greensboro. The delegates adopted a resolution offered by Pearson 
that pledged the Republican party in the state to support Roosevelt's 
candidacy. 20 

The comment of United States Senator Lee Slater Overman of 
Salisbury to a fellow Democrat, Henry Groves Connor, revealed the 
impact of Reesevelt's campaign upon the state; it also disclosed an 
incredible opinion from a Democratic officeholder. Overman wrote: 

They are evidently making a nasty fight on Mr. Taf t, especially the 
Western Republicans, and I am very much in hopes that Taft will carry 
the state, for if we do have another Republican President I would rather 
see Mr. Taft nominated and elected than any other Republican I know 
of. He has been exceedingly kind to the South, especially in his judicial 
appointments. 21 

A somewhat different estimate was put upon Taft's conduct by the 
Republican state chairman, John Motley Morehead. He declared the 
accusations that Richmond Pearson made against the administration 
were "absolute fabrications and devoid of foundation on fact in each 

18 News and Observer, February 29, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, February 29, 
1912; Charlotte Daily Observer, February 29, 1912; Caucasian (Raleigh), February 
29, 1912, hereinafter cited as Caucasian. 

19 Theodore Roosevelt to Richmond Pearson, March 2, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

20 News and Observer, March 1, 9, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, March 9, 22, 1912; 
Theodore Roosevelt to Richmond Pearson, March 7, 11, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

21 Lee Slater Overman to Henry Groves Connor, March 21, 1912, Henry Groves 
Connor Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and every instance. . . ." But Morehead found little encouragement 
in the President's conduct: 

Taft has laid down on us from A to Z and continues today to appoint 
men in the State who openly and violently opposed his nomination in 
our pre-Chicago Convention Campaign and it is, as we say in Rockingham 
"most discouraging to hit a lick for a man who won't hit a lick for him- 

Uncle Joe [Joseph G. Cannon] was eternally correct when he said to 
me about March 20, 1909, "that . . . (the unspeakable epithet) in the post 
office [Frank H. Hitchcock] will wreck this administration before it's 
twelve months old. . . ." 22 

Ironically, there were a number of Republicans in the state who 
announced their support for Roosevelt on the one hand but who indi- 
cated they would vote for Morehead to succeed himself as Repub- 
lican state chairman. Morehead's campaign against the office brokers 
endeared him to party members who looked upon his role as that of 
a progressive reformer of the party machinery; however, Morehead 
gave no indication whatsoever that he would support the Roosevelt 
ticket. 23 

Popular endorsement of Roosevelt's candidacy gathered momentum 
as the county conventions voted overwhelmingly for delegates who 
were pledged to support him in the Republican state convention. 24 
Roosevelt's campaign tour through the state on April 22 and his solici- 
tous appeal to the voters was contrasted with Taft's condescending 
remarks before the Republican state convention six years earlier. 25 
On the eve of the state convention, Zebulon Vance Walser reported 
that 85 of the 100 counties had held conventions and selected 847 
45/100 votes instructed for Roosevelt and only 25 55/100 committed 
to Taft. Of the 81 uninstructed delegates, it was believed that at least 
70 were for Roosevelt. 26 

The Republican state convention met in Raleigh on May 15 to elect 
four delegates-at-large to the Republican national convention. Roose- 
velt forces completely dominated the proceedings. John Motley More- 
head, aware of the Roosevelt boom, called upon Zebulon Vance Wal- 
ser to serve as temporary chairman. Only one member of the creden- 
tials committee was chosen from the Taft faction. The delegates-at- 
large that the convention selected were all Roosevelt men: Richmond 

22 John Motley Morehead to William Garrott Brown, March 19, 1912, Brown Papers. 

23 Hickory Times-Mercury, March 27, April 17, 1912. 

24 Asheville Gazette-News, April 3, 10, 16, 22, 1912; News and Observer, May 1, 
1912; Statesville Landmark, May 14, 1912. 

25 News and Observer, April 23, 1912; Zebulon Vance Walser to J. Elwood Cox, 
April 20, 1912, J. Elwood Cox Papers, Duke Manuscript Department. 

28 News and Observer, May 12, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 129 

Pearson, Zebulon Vance Walser, Cyrus Thompson, and Thomas E. 
Owen. These delegates to Chicago were instructed to vote for Roose- 
velt as long as his name was before the convention. Richmond Pear- 
son and Marion Butler, who controlled the policy of the Caucasian 
(Raleigh), were nominated to succeed Edward C. Duncan as national 
committeeman. In the balloting Pearson secured 774 votes to 332 cast 
for Butler. 

Throughout the early months of 1912 Butler's Caucasian had 
coupled praise for the Roosevelt candidacy with repeated endorse- 
ments of John Motley Morehead's campaign to eliminate the "referee 
regime" in state Republican politics. Butler apparently felt the local 
bosses who were repudiated in 1910 were clambering aboard the 
Roosevelt bandwagon in an effort to regain their lost influence. It 
was obvious that Butler did not share Pearson's enthusiasm for a clean 
sweep of all the Taft supporters in the party hierarchy. There were, 
moreover, many party stalwarts from the western counties who looked 
with some misgiving upon the political ambitions of Butler, a former 
Populist from Sampson County turned Republican, whose legal prac- 
tice was conducted in the nation's capital. A goodly number of west- 
erners with long memories recalled that in 1896 and 1897 Butler had 
challenged the right of Jeter C. Pritchard, Republican party stalwart 
from Buncombe County, to claim re-election to one of the United 
States Senate seats available under the Populist-Republican fusion. 
Furthermore, Butler's Caucasian had heaped praise upon Taft for his 
celebrated denunciation of patronage brokers in the Greensboro 
speech of 1906. These factors undoubtedly estranged Pearson and 
Butler. Although there were indications of personal rivalries between 
these two men, later both campaigned steadfastly for Roosevelt's 
election. The credentials committee voted to seat Thomas Settle of 
Asheville as a delegate, whereupon Richmond Pearson appealed the 
decision to the floor of the convention and by a vote of 606 to 432 
Settle was denied his seat. 

As chairman of the platform and resolutions committee, Pearson 
denounced Taft for withdrawing the names of ten patronage nominees 
from North Carolina. He proposed that the national committeeman 
be elected every four years by the convention which elected dele- 
gates to the national presidential convention. He also demanded that 
the national committeeman be deprived of the right to dictate local 
appointments. He proposed to curtail the power of the state chair- 
man to oust a county chairman. These resolutions were aimed square- 
ly against the conduct of Morehead and Duncan. Pearson's strategy 

130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

against Marion Butler was revealed in his maneuver to seat insurgent 
or Duncan-Taft delegations from Wake, Franklin, and Carteret coun- 
ties. His efforts to manipulate the seating of delegates were caustic- 
ally denounced in the columns of Butler's Caucasian. It was believed 
that Pearson sought to dictate the election of a state chairman and 
that for this reason he solicited the support of the Duncan forces. If 
he had succeeded in this maneuver both the national committeeman 
and the state chairman would probably have come from Asheville. 
Virgil S. Lusk of Asheville was considered the most likely candidate 
and Pearson's choice to succeed Morehead. But Pearson's attempt 
to move for the election of a state chairman was thwarted by a 
motion for adjournment which passed by the narrow majority of 545 
to 535 votes. The Butler and Walser forces refused to join Pearson 
in the move to oust Morehead. In all other matters, however, Pear- 
son had dominated the state convention. 27 

Elated by his success in the Republican state convention, Pearson 
left early in June to attend commencement exercises at Princeton. 28 
From there he traveled to Oyster Bay for lunch with Roosevelt and 
later entrained to Chicago to join the North Carolina delegation at 
the Republican national convention. 29 The state's Roosevelt delegates 
were completely outvoted and outmaneuvered in the convention. On 
the vote for a temporary chairman the North Carolina delegates cast 
twenty-one votes for Francis E. McGovern and three votes for Elihu 
Root. As a stanch Taft supporter, Root was elected temporary chair- 
man. The North Carolina delegates also voted twenty-two to two in 
favor of ousting ninety-two contested Taft delegates, but again they 
were outvoted in the convention. 30 Richmond Pearson was one of a 
goodly number of delegates chosen to second Roosevelt's nomina- 
tion. 31 

As the Taft steam roller ground on, Pearson and other Roosevelt 
delegates bolted the convention and refused to acknowledge or accede 
to Taft's nomination. Pearson was among the representatives of twenty- 
two states selected as a notification committee to inform Roosevelt of 
his nomination and to sponsor his campaign for the presidency. 
Governor Hiram Johnson of California appointed Pearson to a com 


"Asheville Gazette-News, May 15, 16, 1912; Greensboro Daily News, May 16, 1912; 
Caucasian, January 21, 28, 1897, July 12, 1906, February 15, 29, March 21, 28, April 
18, 25, May 2, 16, 23, 30, 1912; News and Observer, May 16, 1912, 

28 Asheville Gazette-News, June 5, 1912. 

29 Theodore Roosevelt to Richmond Pearson, June 8, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

80 Asheville Gazette-News, June 19, 20, 1912. 

81 News and Observer, June 19, 1912. 

82 Asheville Gazette-News, June 24, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 131 

mittee on organization to manage the new Roosevelt party. 33 Pearson 
maintained that Taft's nomination had been accomplished by fraud 
and that Roosevelt was the legitimate candidate of the Republican 

On July 8 Pearson met with Roosevelt Republicans at the Guilford 
Hotel in Greensboro to formulate strategy for the forthcoming cam- 
paign. He announced that his followers would not vote for Taft elec- 
tors, would not relinquish the party machinery and principles, and 
would not be read out of the party. Pearson hoped to control the 
Republican precinct meetings and subsequently the county and state 
conventions. To this end he proposed to submit the question of Roose- 
velt's rightful nomination to the precinct primaries where delegates 
to the state convention were selected. The Roosevelt Republicans 
agreed to abide by the action of the Republican state convention based 
on instructions given in the precinct primaries. 34 Pearson had no doubt 
that the precincts would instruct for Roosevelt. As for those Repub- 
licans who planned to attend the Progressive convention in Chicago 
on August 5, Pearson and Marion Butler indicated they "would not be 
present except as individual Republicans." A dissenting minority led 
by James N. Williamson, Jr., of Burlington wanted to sever all connec- 
tions with the Republican party and send Progressive delegates to 
Chicago. 35 Pearson hoped to maintain party regularity while voting 
for Roosevelt electors; he chose to disregard the third party movement 
and aimed to gain control of Republican party machinery. Marion 
Butler called on Roosevelt at Oyster Bay and assured him that his name 
would appear on the Republican ticket for electors. Apparently the 
question as to whether Roosevelt's name on the Republican ticket 
would constitute a "device" had not occurred to party leaders. 36 

The inevitable showdown in the Roosevelt ranks came when cam- 
paign manager Senator Joseph M. Dixon of Montana telegraphed 
Pearson and other leaders advising them to call a meeting in Greens- 
boro for the purpose of selecting delegates "possessing some authority" 
to represent the state in the Progressive party convention in Chicago. 
He pointed out that every state in the union had made arrangements 
to send delegates except the Carolinas and he "advised" North Caro- 
linians to set up a Roosevelt organization. 37 James N. Williamson, Jr., 
immediately issued a call for Progressives to meet in Greensboro to 

83 Asheville Gazette-News, June 25, 1912. 
**News and Observer, July 6, 9, 1912. 
85 Asheville Gazette-News, July 5, 9, 1912. 
88 News and Observer, July 12, 14, 1912. 
87 Asheville Gazette-News, July 30, 1912. 

132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

discuss matters pertaining to the Chicago convention on August 5. 
On August 1 the state Progressive party was formally launched at the 
McAdoo Hotel in Greensboro. Williamson and some fifty party leaders 
renounced their allegiance to the Republican party and joined the new 
national Progressive party; fourteen delegates to Chicago were selected 
with instructions to endorse Roosevelt. Later a state convention would 
meet, and district and state committees were to be selected. 38 Rich- 
mond Pearson, Zebulon Vance Walser, and Marion Butler were not 
present at the Greensboro meeting. 39 

Pearson and his Roosevelt Republicans received another jolting 
setback when the Republican State Executive Committee met in 
Greensboro on August 7. John J. Mott introduced a resolution which 
endorsed Taft's nomination, pledged support for his re-election, and 
declared faith in the Republican party and the principles enunciated 
in the national platform. Gilliam Grissom, secretary of the committee, 
proceeded to read Pearson's followers out of the party: 

in township and county conventions none but those who endorse the 
national Republican candidate for president and the Republican plat- 
form are in any capacity entitled to participate in or represent the party, 
and shall not be allowed to participate in the election of delegates or 
committeemen or in nominating candidates or in any way participating 
in said convention. 40 

By a vote of eight to three this resolution was approved by the com- 
mittee. Richmond Pearson thundered that the committee assumed 
powers that could be exercised only by the state convention according 
to article fourteen of the plan of organization. He challenged the 
committee to show that a quorum was present and that a majority of 
the committee voted to excommunicate the Roosevelt supporters. 41 
Pearson refused to accept the resolution of the state executive com- 
mittee as final and binding; he challenged the right of eight commit- 
teemen "whose powers are strictly defined and limited to undertake 
to override the rights of 100,000 men." 42 

Pearson was now confronted with an embarrassing situation. His 
position as a party leader had become increasingly tenuous. He could 
remain within the Republican organization and attempt to control its 

88 Charlotte Daily Observer, August 2, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, July 31, August 
2, 1912; News and Observer, August 2, 1912. 

89 News and Observer, August 3, 1912. 

40 Asheville Gazette-News,^ August 8, 1912. 

41 Archie B. Joyner to Richmond Pearson, August 19, 1912, Pearson Papers; Cau- 
casian, August 15, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, August 10, 12, 13, 14, 1912. 

42 Asheville Gazette-News, August 9, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign op 1912 133 

convention; yet Morehead and the State Executive Committee had 
already indicated that his faction would not be recognized. "I favor 
controlling within the Republican organization," wrote Walter P. 
Byrd, "but if we are driven to it we should organize the Progressive 
party and draw the lines clearly." 43 James N. Williamson, Jr., was 
even more insistent that Pearson join with the Progressives; he main- 
tained that Pearson and the Roosevelt Republicans should not attempt 
to enter the Republican convention in Charlotte: 

If we remain away from the Charlotte Convention there will be no one 
there of moment, and you people are placing yourselves in the position 
of wanting to force yourselves into the Republican Convention and thus 
advertising the few Taft men, and I think it is a great mistake. 

You are going to find out in the end that I am right in my position, 
both Colonel Roosevelt and Senator Dixon agree with me in my position, 
and you, Cowles, and Walser had better stop advertising the Taft Repub- 
licans and come out on the Progressive side and let us have a rousing 
Progressive Convention. . . , 44 

Undaunted, Pearson announced that Roosevelt Republicans had 
decided to ignore the "high-handed proceeding" of Morehead and to 
"hold their primaries and conventions in the usual way. . . . We claim 
the right to express our preference for President in the county pri- 
maries, and we claim that Theodore Roosevelt is the rightful and only 
legitimate candidate of the Republicans of the United States." He con- 
cluded: "We will not allow a minority of a discredited State Committee 
to read us out of the Republican party, and we are determined to vote 
for Republican state and local tickets." 45 

Joseph M. Dixon, Roosevelt's campaign manager, undertook to pre- 
vail upon Pearson to change his mind: 

I know how some of the old line Republicans of North Carolina may 
feel about going into the new party but my own mind is perfectly clear 
that it is the only thing to do. It is daily becoming more apparent to 
everyone that to attempt longer to work within the old Republican 
organization puts us in a false attitude. 46 

James N. Williamson, Jr., also pointed out that a separate Progressive 
ticket was favored by Roosevelt and Dixon and he spurned Pearson's 
offer of co-operation with the Roosevelt Republicans: 

^Walter P. Byrd to Richmond Pearson, August 10, 1912, Pearson Papers. 
44 James N. Williamson, Jr., to Richmond Pearson, August 16, 1912, Pearson Papers. 
^Richmond Pearson form letter to North Carolina Republicans, August 19, 1912, 
Pearson Papers. 
48 Joseph M. Dixon to Richmond Pearson, August 19, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

You ask if I can persuade the Progressive Convention to confer with 
the Roosevelt Republican Convention, now I did not know that there 
would be four Tickets in the field in North Carolina, it would seem that 
the Taft crowd is going to have a ticket, the Democrats one and we 
Progressives one and you and Butler another, it would be too bad to 
split the vote in this way, and if your crowd, which is sure to be unseated 
at Charlotte, want to confer with the Progressives in regard to a single 
Electoral Ticket we might confer, but we refuse to think our strength is 
going to be thrown to the air. It would seem to me that you people who 
claim to be some thing that you cannot be are the ones that are up in 
the air. 47 

Williamson parried Pearson's strategy by remarking: 

Now really Colonel it is foolish for you and your crowd to be fighting 
for admission to the Morehead Convention. Stay away and no one will 
go and it will be a one man's affair as I see it. 

I am perfectly willing to confer with you or Mr. Walser at any time, 
but not with Butler, and it looks like there should be a conference as 
I see it. 48 

Marion Butler, on the other hand, advised Pearson to remain in the 
party and challenge Morehead's decisions in the state convention. As 
a last resort he proposed a presidential primary to be held under the 
auspices of the party organization on the day of election. "If extreme 
measures, which would not meet the approval of the people, are tried 
by Mr. Morehead, and are supported by a majority of the Committee 
at Charlotte, of course, then there will be nothing to do but organize 
a separate convention and appeal to the people of the state to stand by 
us," Butler concluded. 49 

Counties that were traditionally Republican strongholds favored 
the tactics of Pearson and Butler. 50 Republicans in these counties were 
concerned about the success of local tickets as well as the presidential 
race. The vacillating role of Pearson and the Roosevelt Republicans, 
however, evoked John G. Grant to remark that Pearson was "trying to 
run with the hare and hold with the hounds." 51 Harpers Weekly, in 
an editorial probably written by William Garrott Brown, commented 
that Roosevelt might be forced to run in North Carolina on Taft's 
platform instead of his own. Referring to Pearson, it added: 

47 James N. Williamson, Jr., to Richmond Pearson, August 24, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

48 James N. Williamson, Jr., to Richmond Pearson, August 24, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

49 Marion Butler to Richmond Pearson, August 24, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

50 John Motley Morehead to Willliam Garrott Brown, August 20, 1912, Brown Papers; 
News and Observer, August 18, 1912 ; Statesvitle Landmark, August 20, 1912. 

61 News and Observer, August 22, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 135 

We do not believe that ever before in American politics has there been 
attempted a piece of dishonesty at once so brazen and so extensive as 
that of the men who are claiming a right to use and control the Republi- 
can organization in an open endeavor to destroy the Republican party. 52 

Rebuffed on both sides, Pearson sought in desperation to alienate 
Edward C. Duncan from Morehead and Thomas Settle and thereby 
divide the Taft Republicans. Duncan offered no encouragement to this 
maneuver. 53 Pearson then inquired if Morehead would agree with the 
Roosevelt Republicans on a single state ticket and single county 
tickets in opposition to the Democratic nominees. Morehead wired 
that he was "heartily in accord with your suggestions as to state 
and county tickets and congratulate you upon inaugurating a program 
that if carried out will avert an otherwise inevitable rupture of the 
party." 54 

Pearson immediately informed Williamson of Morehead's offer and 
urged the Progressives to "poll every possible vote in the state" for 
Roosevelt. He conceived the strategy to follow in this way: 

... we are more apt to succeed by assaulting the breastworks of Democ- 
racy with two wings of Roosevelt supporters rather than by a single 
army. . . . We only require harmony and concerted action to give the 
electoral votes of the state to Mr. Roosevelt, and carry not twenty-one 
counties but more than fifty counties in the state against the Democracy. 55 

Somewhat relieved by Morehead's gesture of co-operation, Pearson 
wrote exultantly to Joseph M. Dixon that accessions to the Progressive 
party were "simply amazing." He added: 

I am holding well in hand something like 60,000 moss-back Republi- 
cans, mostly in the great Republican counties, and joining heartily with 
Williamson's forces which he is recruiting in the east with astonishing 
rapidity, we will make a joint and probably successful assault upon the 
Democratic breastworks; we will poll a much greater vote working thus 
than if I and my friends had cut loose entirely from the Republican 
party. 56 

Further reassurances from Morehead indicated that a division on local 
tickets was "entirely unnecessary and uncalled for." The Republican 
state chairman proposed the nomination of a state ticket and declared 

52 Harper's Weekly, LVI (August 31, 1912), 4. 

63 Edward C. Duncan to Richmond Pearson, August 24, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

54 Asheville Gazette-News, August 30, 1912. 

65 Richmond Pearson to James N. Williamson, Jr., August 28, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

66 Richmond Pearson to Joseph M. Dixon, August 28, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

136 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"any arrangement or understanding to this end will have my unquali- 
fied support." 5T 

James N. Williamson, Jr., regarded Pearsons attempt to negotiate 
with Morehead and the Republican state organization with contempt 
and misgiving. He flatly asserted the Progressives would refuse to 
endorse the electors of any other political party; they would stand 
entirely upon the Progressive platform, and they "could not possibly 
endorse a man for Governor [Thomas Settle] or any other office that 
would denounce Colonel Roosevelt as an Anarchist and a Lunatic." 58 
Williamson inquired: 

. . . how you and the Roosevelt men after heralding your loyalty to 
Colonel Roosevelt could come out and support a man for Governor of 
North Carolina who denounces him as an anarchist is more than I can 
see. It is a great pity as I see it that you should insist upon carrying out 
your views in this state absolutely contrary to the views of Colonel 
Roosevelt himself and Mr. Dixon. Of course your action means that 
there will be 4 tickets in the field. . . , 59 

The Progressive party convention under Williamson's leadership 
met in Greensboro on September 3 and nominated Cyrus Thompson 
for governor and a full slate of Roosevelt electors. Some 150 delegates 
from about twenty-five counties were in attendance. The main speaker 
of the convention was Senator Everett Colby of New Jersey who 
brought a personal message from Roosevelt. In what was obviously a 
bid for the support of Roosevelt Republicans, the convention left to 
the discretion of the state executive committee the nomination of other 
state and congressional candidates. Attention was therefore focused 
on the outcome of the Republican convention in Charlotte. 60 

Taft Republicans met in Charlotte on September 4; there the execu- 
tive committee of the party by a vote of nine to five approved a resolu- 
tion submitted by Thomas Settle to admit only those delegates who 
took an oath of allegiance to Taft. The disgruntled Roosevelt Repub- 
licans withdrew to the county courthouse and, with Virgil S. Lusk 
presiding, appointed a committee consisting of Richmond Pearson, 
Zebulon Vance Walser, John J. Jenkins, Charles E. Greene, and 
Charles H. Cowles to recommend further strategy. It was obvious that 

67 John Motley Morehead to Richmond Pearson, August 28, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

68 James N. Williamson, Jr., to Richmond Pearson, August 31, 1912, Pearson Papers. 

69 James N. Williamson, Jr., to Richmond Pearson, August 31, 1912, Pearson Papers. 
80 Charlotte Daily Observer, September 3, 4, 5, 1912; Hickory Times-Mercury, 

September 4, 1912; News and Observer, September 3, 4, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, 
September 4, 1912; Statesville Landmark, September 6, 1912. 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign op 1912 137 

many felt they should have joined the Progressive party earlier. 61 

John Motley Morehead moved before the Republican convention 
to declare Pearson's seat as national committeeman vacant and his 
recommendation was approved without discussion. Then Morehead 
offered the name of Edward C. Duncan to succeed Pearson. In the 
light of a long-standing feud between Morehead and Duncan, this 
must have struck some delegates as an incredible development. Thomas 
Settle was nominated as the gubernatorial candidate of the Taft Re- 
publicans. John J. Mott introduced a resolution to expel members of 
the Republican State Executive Committee who had voted for Roose- 
velt; this was carried by a vote of nine to six. The crowning blow to 
Roosevelt Republicans came when Morehead and Duncan insisted that 
a full state ticket be nominated. Harry Skinner of Pitt County appar- 
ently believed there should be a joint state ticket with the Roosevelt 
Republicans, but his plan was thwarted in the convention. All hope of 
co-operation between the Republican state organization and the 
Roosevelt Republicans vanished. 62 

Immediately following the Charlotte convention, Roosevelt Repub- 
licans and Progressives conferred together and agreed upon a state 
ticket headed by the gubernatorial nominee Cyrus Thompson. Thomp- 
son declined to run, and the two groups chose Zebulon Vance Walser. 
Ultimately, after Walser withdrew from the race, Iredell Meares of 
Wilmington became the Progressive gubernatorial candidate. The 
Roosevelt Republicans and Progressives agreed upon a fusion elec- 
toral ticket. 63 

Committees representing the Progressives and Roosevelt Republi- 
cans met in Greensboro on September 10 to consider the question of 
whether the two wings should unite or whether each faction should 
go its own way. Williamson urged a united organization, but Pearson, 
Marion Butler, and Charles H. Cowles held out for two separate or- 
ganizations. A committee representing both factions was named to 
redraft the Progressive state platform. The delegates finally agreed 
to maintain separate state campaign organizations and to work for the 
success of state and national tickets of Progressives. Zebulon Vance 
Walser was elected chairman of the Progressive state committee, and 
after some delay Charles H. Cowles was named to lead the Roosevelt 

61 Asheville Gazette-News, September 4, 5, 6, 1912; News and Observer, September 
3, 5, 1912. 

62 Thomas Settle to [William Howard Taft], July 8, 1912, Taft Papers; Asheville 
Gazette-News, September 5, 1912. 

63 News and Observer, September 11, 1912; Charlotte Daily Observer, September 11, 
1912; Asheville Gazette-News, September 11, 1912. 

138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Republicans. Cowles and his faction declared their allegiance to the 
Chicago platform and the principles of the Republican party, they en- 
dorsed a protective tariff, but they repudiated Taft's nomination. 64 
The Progressive state platform was recast to strike out all previous 
references to state control of water powers. Contrary to Williamsons 
views the platform was changed to favor the Australian ballot. The 
plank referring to local self-government was narrowed to preclude any 
suggestion of local option legislation. 65 

The factional rifts between Taft Republicans, Roosevelt Republi- 
cans, and Progressives aggravated the cleavages that had for so many 
years retarded Republican party growth. Paradoxically, Republicans 
in North Carolina who had been actively involved with reform of the 
party machinery and liberal economic legislation were at the same 
time identified with the Taft organization. There were a goodly num- 
ber of party stalwarts in the state who apparently joined the Roosevelt 
movement not because of any ideological commitment to the New Na- 
tionalism but on account of their reaction against factional leadership 
in North Carolina. They believed correctly that Roosevelt was much 
the stronger of the two Republican candidates, and for practical poli- 
tical considerations they climbed aboard the Roosevelt bandwagon. 
They remained faithful to the "Rough Rider" after he left the party. 
The Roosevelt Republicans were concerned with keeping party ma- 
chinery intact in those counties where the party traditionally domi- 
nated local politics. The Progressives, on the other hand, were more 
concerned with the election of a presidential candidate and the exer- 
cise of powers to their advantage at the federal level. 

Richmond Pearson and his followers therefore gave little indication 
that they understood or approved the heady intellectual content of 
Roosevelt's New Nationalism. Even a renegade Democrat such as 
Daniel Augustus Tompkins, who had voted for Taft in 1908, showed 
a much keener understanding of Roosevelt's brand of progressivism 
than did most Republicans. 66 At no time during the 1912 campaign did 
Negro Republicans of North Carolina take an active role in the de- 
liberations of either Republicans or Progressives. Their elimination 

64 Asheville Gazette-News, September 11, 1912. 

65 News and Observer, September 11, 1912; Harper's Weekly, LVI (September 21, 
1912), 5. 

66 Daniel Augustus Tompkins to John Motley Morehead, March 22, 1912, and Daniel 
Augustus Tompkins to Albert Bushnell Hart, September 18, 1912, Daniel Augustus 
Tompkins Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress; Daniel Augustus 
Tompkins to Wade Harris, July 13, 1912, and Daniel Augustus Tompkins to G. W. 
Branson, July 16, 1912, Daniel Augustus Tompkins Papers, Southern Historical 

Richmond Pearson and the Campaign of 1912 139 

from the party was practically complete by this time. Negro Re- 
publicans were excluded from the state Republican convention and 
the national Progressive convention and were reduced to plaintive 
protests against the "lily white" tactics of the party with which they 
had long been identified. 67 In the state campaign Iredell Meares based 
his gubernatorial candidacy on a Progressive party platform that em- 
phasized liberal reforms, but there was little indication that Pearson 
and his fellow Republicans showed any enthusiasm for such a pro- 
gram. 68 

The utter rout of Republican forces in the 1912 election was a fore- 
gone conclusion. From 1912 to 1916 Republicans were preoccupied 
with the task of realignment of discordant factions into a cohesive 
party organization. Richmond Pearson had emerged from political re- 
tirement in 1912 to direct the Roosevelt campaign. He was not con- 
spicuously active in the efforts to reunite the party factions after 
1912. 69 Once again retiring from politics and a diplomatic career, 
Pearson returned to his family home, "Richmond Hill," near Asheville. 
It was there that he died on September 12, 1923. 

67 News and Observer, April 2, May 16, 1912; Asheville Gazette-News, August 3, 7, 
1912; Harper's Weekly, LVI (October 5, 1912), 4-5. 

68 Asheville Gazette-News, September 20, 1912; Hickory Times-Mercury, October 2- 
1912; Statesville Landmark, November 1, 1912. 

09 Charlotte Observer, September 13, 1923. 




Raleigh, December 3, 1965 

For the first time since the 1960 meeting, all papers presented at 
the North Carolina Literary and Historical Associations annual ses- 
sion are being published in the North Carolina Historical Review. 
The editors feel that the papers are of interest and that readers will 
want printed copies. The co-operation of the speakers in submitting 
their manuscripts promptly made it possible to include the addresses 
in this issue of the Review. 

The major theme of the association's annual meeting was the two 
hundredth anniversary of resistance in the Lower Cape Fear Valley 
to the British Stamp Act, 1765-1766. The principal address, published 
on pages 186 to 202, was delivered by a native of that area and was 
devoted to that subject. 

Information concerning the business sessions and programs of the 
several Culture Week societies may be found in the "Historical News" 



By Roy A. Riggs* 

When Dr. Crittenden asked me to accept this assignment, I told 
him— weighing the considerable number of books involved against 
the time allotted for the presentation— that what he was asking me 
to do could not possibly be done to anyone's satisfaction, but that I 
would (being naturally reckless, or maybe I should say something of a 
gambling fool) take on the job anyhow. 

The term review, of course, can have a number of meanings. Applied 
to literature, it can refer to careful critical analysis, to an extended 
discussion of a single work; but obviously that definition isn't very 
useful here. Again, review can suggest a rapid general survey, a rather 
cursory looking back on; and this meaning is the one that I choose to 
adopt for this occasion. The time available this morning will permit 
little more than a roll call of authors and books. In approaching the 
assignment in this fashion, I intend to slight no native author. 

A total of twenty-four books which fall under the general heading 
of fiction was published by North Carolinians during the year: six 
novels, a one-act play, seven collections of poetry, and ten books of 
juvenile literature. 

The category of juvenile literature is quite broad, including at one 
end of the spectrum books of particular interest to very small children 
of pre-school age, and at the other, books that appeal especially to 
youngsters in their middle teens, who are verging on adulthood. This 
statement does not mean to suggest that the literary interests of the 
various juvenile age groups are mutually exclusive, that what may 
delight a small child will automatically cause a teenager to turn up 
his nose in disdain. The great juvenile classics— Alice in Wonderland, 
for example, or The Wind in the Willows— appeal to anyone, no mat- 
ter what his age, who can enter and live for a time in the world of 
the imagination. But every author creates his book with a particular 

* Dr. Riggs is chairman of the Division of Humanities and head of the Department 
of Literature and Language at Asheville-Biltmore College, Asheville. 

142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

audience in mind, and there are four books on the list which are aimed 
primarily at children of pre-school or early elementary school age: 
Danny and the Poi Pup, by Ruth and Latrobe Carroll (New York: 
Henry Z. Walck, Inc.); Meet Miki Takino, by Helen Copeland, with 
illustrations by Kurt Werth (New York: Lothrop, Lee and Shepard 
Company ) ; Rain Makes Applesauce, words by Julian Scheer and pic- 
tures by Marvin Bileck (New York: Holliday House); and Up the Big 
Mountain, written by Dorothy Koch, with pictures by Lucy and John 
Hawkinson (New York: Holliday House). These are books of pictures 
as well as of words. And it is precisely this combination of illustra- 
tions and text, together with the nature of the subject and the sim- 
plicity of the story line, that serves happily to introduce the small child 
to the world of books in terms that he can understand. 

Another group of books, of special interest to children in the age 
span of from ten to twelve or thereabouts, for the most part tell stories 
about children of a similar age who are faced with growing-up prob- 
lems in a real world that is often frightening and frequently dangerous 
and difficult to cope with— but in these stories, all comes right in the 
end. After a series of trials, the young characters triumph, in one way 
or another, over the difficulties that confront them; and from their ex- 
periences they learn something significant about themselves and the 
world they live in— including very often the importance of character 
and of moral and ethical values. In a general way the following books 
belong in this category: Anne Green, Good-by, Gray Lady (New 
York: Atheneum); Ina B. Forbus, Tawny 's Trick (New York: Viking 
Press); and Iola Finch Bunn, Growing Up in Alaska (New York: Ex- 
position Press ) . 

On one level, Alexander Key's, The Forgotten Door (Philadelphia: 
Westminister Press ) belongs here too; but this story about a little boy 
from another and better planet, who accidentally, like Alice, falls 
down a hole and finds himself on this earth in a place very similar to 
western North Carolina, carries serious adult implications. For little 
Jon has a very special gift; he knows what goes on in people's minds; 
he perceives the truth about human actions and motives, and so he 
represents a great danger to society, especially to the covert wrong- 
doers and the mean in spirit. Even the government is interested in 
utilizing his unique gift for purposes of military intelligence. At last, 
after considerable harassment, Jon finds a way to return to his true 
home; and with him go the Bean family, the only earthlings to be- 
friend him, because life in that other place, as Jon paints it, must be 
better than it is here. He says, near the end of the story: 

Review of North Carolina Fiction 143 

... I don't remember what it's like where I came from. . . . But I know 
it isn't like this. I'm sure, just from listening to what they are saying 
to me now, that we live in small groups and help one another. There are 
not too many of us, but we have great knowledge, and we've made life 
so simple that we don't have laws or even leaders, for they aren't needed 
any more than money is needed. I think we make things — everything — 
with our hands, and that life is a great joy, for we have time for so 
much. . . . 

These are sentiments which echo once again man's nostalgic yearning 
for simple, even primitive, happiness in a complex and mechanized 
and cluttered age. 

Manly Wade Wellman has two books this time among those written 
especially for teenagers: The Great Riverboat Race (New York: Ives 
Washburn, Inc.); a partly fictional account of the famous race that 
occurred on the Mississippi in 1870 between the steamboats "Natchez" 
and the "Robert E. Lee"; and a story titled The Master of Scare 
Hollow (New York: Ives Washburn, Inc.), about a young schoolmaster 
in a small North Carolina mountain community who, before he can 
get on with the job he was hired to do, must first whip the local bully 
and win the confidence of his pupils. He also plays a big part in un- 
covering some mysterious skulduggery that has kept the neighborhood 
in an uproar and helps to make peace between two long-feuding 
families. Mr. Wellman is a past master of writing rapidly-moving ad- 
venture stories for boys, skillfully set against an authentic backdrop 
of history. These latest books should be welcomed by his young 

Turning now to the seven volumes of poetry published by North 
Carolina writers during the year just past, I confess to considerable 
difficulty in knowing how to handle this portion of the review. To 
speak meaningfully, in a precise and detailed and thorough way, of so 
large a number of poets and their recently published work is, under 
the circumstances, manifestly impossible. And yet to generalize in the 
grand manner about the abstract qualities of so many books of poetry 
will not do either. As Matthew Arnold says, "Critics give themselves 
great labor to draw out what in the abstract constitutes the characters 
of a high quality of poetry. It is much better simply to have recourse 
to concrete examples." This is a statement which reminds us that 
poetry is experience shared between poet and reader or listener by the 
direct means of language communication. The books and very brief 
comments on two or three of them are: William Ernest Bird, Level 
Paths (Cullowhee: Privately printed); Will Inman, 108 Verges Unto 

144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Now (New York: Carlton Press); Randall Jarrell, The Lost World 
(New York: Macmillan Company); D. Z. Newton, Lingering Moments 
(Charlotte: Heritage Printers, Inc.); Sam Ragan, The Tree in the 
Far Pasture (Winston-Salem: John F. Flair); Laura Howell Schorr, 
In Company (New York: Exposition Press); and Beulah Walton, 
Thoughts Trivial and Solid (Morrisville: Privately printed). 

The basic themes of poetry never change. Poets write of nature, of 
life and death, of beauty and truth, of mind and spirit, of emotions 
and ideas and values, of the mysteries of time and change, of eternity, 
of man alone, of man and woman, of man and society, of man and his 
God. Of these themes the poets, including those of North Carolina, 
never have and never will let go. But these volumes reveal a remark- 
able diversity of style and subject matter. 

Consider, for example, Laura Howell Schorr s, In Company, a fine 
book of devotional poems, which Mrs. Schorr says in her preface 
might just as fittingly be titled "Visits in Verse with Some Who Loved 
the Lord." A series of chronologically arranged dramatic monologues, 
a form much favored by Robert Browning, these poems reflect the 
spirit of Christian communion in the lives of Biblical and historical 
characters from the time of Christ down to the present. Mrs. Schorr 
has the ability to paint scenes so vivid that the reader feels he is a di- 
rect observer of and sometimes a participant in the episode or experi- 
ence being described. 

If Mrs. Schorr's poetry reflects a serene and quiet faith in the great 
spiritual truths of traditional Christianity, Will Inman's verse reveals 
the turbulence and restlessness of a man spiritually adrift but earnestly 
searching for meaning and purpose in his life. Inman writes with great 
candor and honesty about himself. As revealed in his poetry, he is a 
fierce, determined, driving individual, intense and defiant, at war with 
conventional attitudes and values— but even more at war with himself: 

There is that 
mountain in me 
I must climb. 

Or again: 

I refuse to meet life 

on any terms other than my own. 

Both declarations are worthy of Melville's Ahab. Elsewhere Inman 
shows some of the mystical, democratic exuberance of Walt Whitman: 

Review of North Carolina Fiction 145 

And I— 

rediscovering myself 

and rediscovering Man as man 


and woman as human 

and individual 

and children as human 

and individual — 

could no longer 

run with a mob 

but must bring my own flavors 
whether river or creek 
or ditch. 

One thing is certain about Mr. Inman: He really cares. Everywhere 
blunt honesty and iron integrity shine through his lines. His poetic 
technique is extremely unorthodox, but one seems to detect in it the 
influence of Emily Dickinson, Walt Whitman, and e. e. cummings. 
Grammar and sentence structure are ignored; capitals and punctua- 
tion are largely abandoned; verbs are frequently omitted; modifiers 
are inverted. His is a pared, abrupt, perhaps even crude style. His 
lines swarm with images, many brilliant, some shocking. Consider 

Will God lick my wounded 


with His black tongue? 

"You stood on the truth," I said, 
"but Truth is a turtle's back. . . 
and moves . . . slowly, but moves. 
Truth is a crab and crawls 
sidewise. Truth is two waves 
moving opposite in the same 
stream, crossing and continuing, 
meanwhile the stream 
flows. . . ." 

108 Verges Unto Now is an original and powerful book. 

Sam Ragan's book, The Tree in the Far Pasture, has recently won 
the Oscar Arnold Young Memorial Award in the book contest spon- 
sored by the Poetry Council of North Carolina, an honor which it well 
deserves. Not long ago, in response to a request from Charlotte 
Young that he make a statement about his poetry, Mr. Ragan said 
this: "People, time and place are dominant themes in my poems. I 
seek for clarity, an economy of words, and, above all, feeling. I try to 

146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

put into a poem what a novelist takes 100,000 words to say." The Tree 
in the Far Pasture shows him applying these poetic principles with a 
high degree of success. 

I cannot leave the poetry without speaking of Randall Jarrell's 
The Lost World and of the man himself, for twenty years a real force 
in American letters, as poet, critic, and teacher. His sad passing in 
mid-career is the more difficult to accept because his immediate 
presence— his intelligence, warmth, vitality, humor, and deep under- 
standing—appear on so many of the pages in his last volume of poems, 
which one now rereads with the most poignant emotions. No other 
poet of the time has explored so thoroughly and sensitively the special 
world of childhood; and no other man of the time has filled more suc- 
cessfully the double role of poet and man of letters. When the news 
came, an earlier poem of his, "90 North," which ends with these verses, 
came to mind: 

I reached my North and it had meaning 
Here at the actual pole of my existence, 
Where all that I have done is meaningless, 
Where I die or live by accident alone — 

Where, living or dying, I am still alone; 
Here where North, the night, the berg of death 
Crowd to me out of the ignorant darkness, 
I see at last that all the knowledge 

I wrung from the darkness — that the darkness flung me — 
Is worthless as ignorance: nothing comes from nothing, 
The darkness from the darkness. Pain comes from the darkness 
And we call it wisdom. It is pain. 

Randall Jarrell is gone, but his work lives and will occupy a permanent 
and honored place in American letters. 

Before I go on to the novels, I must mention Paul Green's one-act 
play, The Sheltering Plaid (about Flora Macdonald and the Revolu- 
tionary War in North Carolina). This play is a reminder of Mr. 
Green's high skill in dramaturgy, of his deep and intimate knowl- 
edge of American history, and of his ability to transform the cold facts 
of history through the medium of dramatic action into warm and 
breathing life. The play is a reminder also that there were two sides 
to the disagreement between England and the colonies, that there 
were many good and honorable people in the colonies who thought 
the revolutionists were wrong, and that loyalty to the Crown was the 
most important issue involved in the struggle. Integrity and virtue, 
Mr. Green suggests, can have more than one face. It all depends upon 
the point of view. 

Review of North Carolina Fiction 147 

There remain the novels to be spoken of, six of them: Doris Betts, 
The Scarlet Thread (New York: Harper and Row); Ben Haas, Look 
Away, Look Away (New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc.); Frank 
Borden Hanes, Jackknife John (San Antonio: Nay lor Company) 
Heather Ross Miller, The Edge of the Woods (New York: Atheneum) 
Kathryn Johnston Noyes, Jacob's Ladder (New York: Bobbs-Merrill ) 
and Guy Owen, The Ballad of the Flim-Flam Man (New York: Mac- 
millan Company). 

All of these novels are set in the South, four of them literally in 
North Carolina, the other two in an area of a mythical South that 
could very well be the Tar Heel state. Ben Haas and Mrs. Noyes have 
focused the plots of their novels on race relations and the civil rights 
movement; otherwise, the plots of the six books have little in common. 

Mr. Hanes, in Jackknife John, has a double motive. One of them he 
explains in a prefatory note: "The unique qualities of the American 
cutting horse, and the way he and his rider work together in cham- 
pionship competition, are here presented with what accuracy and 
authenticity the author has gained through his own experience and 
research. However, the characters of this story are entirely fictitious 
and bear no intended similarity to any person living or dead." His 
other motive is to tell a cracking adventure story about the growing- 
up of an orphaned boy, Moon Allen, who is bequeathed by his father 
nine hundred acres of run-down land in North Carolina and Jackknife 
John, a young quarter horse destined to be a champion. The boy, in 
trying to manage his own affairs, in training his horse and later com- 
peting in the cutting horse contests where his chief opponent behaves 
pretty badly, discovers what it means to be a man. 

Guy Owen's The Ballad of the Flim-Flam Man carries on the book 
jacket the subtitle, A Comic Novel of Today, One cannot read very 
far in this book without being reminded of Mark Twain's Huckleberry 
Finn, except that here the adventures occur not along the Mississippi 
but in the Cape Fear country, and instead of the King and the Duke 
there are Mordecai Jones, an aging con artist, and Curley Treadway, 
a guitar-playing, semiliterate, AWOL soldier from Fort Bragg. En- 
tirely in the picaresque tradition, this novel makes full use of the 
familiar humor of the American frontier, including the tall story, the 
straight-faced outrageous lie, the practical joke, physical abuse. The 
story is told in the earthy idiom of the rural South. Several highly 
humorous situations are adroitly handled as the two rogues roam the 
backroads, taking full advantage of the greed, gullibility, and stupidity 
which they find copiously displayed among the rural types they meet 

148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

along the way. Mr. Owen s book is to be made into a movie; given 
proper direction and casting it might be a most entertaining one. 

Heather Ross Miller's The Edge of the Woods is in many ways a 
remarkable performance. In this book the author— herself still very 
young— shows amazing insight into the psychology and emotions of 
a sensitive girl, trapped and nearly destroyed by her awful knowledge 
of a real life tragedy. In a series of recollections the narrator, now a 
young married woman and mother, goes back to her childhood and re- 
lives those crushing experiences that have left her hurt and lost in the 
edge of the woods between madness and sanity. Mrs. Miller's is a 
highly conscious, poetic style. She has a keen ear for the idioms and 
rhythms of southern speech and a real gift for creating the precise 
image and the shades and colors of mood, for selecting the exact de- 
tail that will carry the fullest freight of meaning and connotation in 
context. The Edge of the Woods is a first novel. Mrs. Miller will be 
heard from again. 

Doris Betts in The Scarlet Thread writes of the Piedmont, of the 
Allen family whose lives and fortunes are linked to the rise of a typical 
North Carolina mill town, of the town itself and the surrounding com- 
munity, of birth and death, of ambition and love and depravity. The 
mill brings money and opportunity and helps to build a town; but 
it brings ugliness too, and for some of the characters unhappiness, 
frustration, and personal ruin. Mrs. Betts obviously has an intimate 
knowledge of her region and of the people who live in it. She has 
written in strong and vigorous prose a realistic novel of considerable 
power and truth. 

Finally, there are two novels that grapple with the human implica- 
tions of the greatest social and moral issue of our time: race relations 
and civil rights. Both Ben Haas, in Look Away, Look Away, and Mrs. 
Noyes, in Jacob's Ladder, show deep sympathy for the Negro as a 
human being in his struggle for full social and legal equality in the 
South. Mr. Haas' novel covers the greater time span, and he uses the 
broader canvas. His is the closer study of southern culture in depth, 
his the more thorough treatment of every aspect of traditional race 
relations. One of his most powerful scenes— the reader will recognize 
at once— is based upon the Montgomery bus boycott. As fictional com- 
mentary on contemporary history both books are timely. 

This review, as hasty and inadequate as it is, has now been com- 
pleted. In parting I refer you to the books themselves which, I am 
sure, the authors trust that all of you will promptly buy and read. 


By Lambert Davis* 

Every educated North Carolinian knows that the University of 
North Carolina at Chapel Hill is the oldest state university in the 
United States. Very few realize that the University of North Carolina 
Press is one of the oldest American university presses sponsored by a 
state university. University presses in this country date back to the 
Cornell University Press, founded in 1869, and the Johns Hopkins 
University Press, founded in 1878. For the next five decades nearly all 
of the university presses in this country were established at the great 
private universities such as Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Columbia, and 
Chicago. When the University of North Carolina Press was established 
in 1922, there appear to have been only four other state university 
presses in existence, at the universities of Pennsylvania, Illinois, Wash- 
ington, and California; and of these only the University of California 
Press had advanced beyond the stage of being an occasional imprint. 

North Carolinians can be proud that their university press was a 
pioneer among state university presses. It was indeed the creation of 
one of that pioneer group of educators who, in the 1920's, transformed 
the University of North Carolina from a college with a few attached 
professional schools into a true university. Dr. Louis Round Wilson 
was the founder and first director of the press, and among the members 
of the original board of governors were such educational giants of that 
day as Harry W. Chase, Howard W. Odum, and Frank P. Graham. 
Dr. Wilson knew that the advancement of knowledge involved a 
responsibility for the publication of the results of research. Hence, the 
original charter of the press, after listing several specific purposes, 
stated that the over-all aim of the press was "to promote generally, 
by publishing deserving works, the advancement of the arts and sci- 
ences and the development of literature." 

Nothing in its charter or in the circumstances of the founding of 
the press indicated that it was expected to develop any special state 

* Mr. Davis is director of the University of North Carolina Press at Chapel Hill. 

150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

or regional interest. This was not the pattern set by the private univer- 
sity presses that dominated the scene. They published in the interest 
of the scholarly community as a whole, without any geographical em- 
phasis whatever; and the general development of university presses in 
this country— both the presses of private universities and the presses 
of most publicly-owned universities— has followed this pattern. It is 
a pattern shaped by the cultural needs of the nation. The advancement 
of knowledge requires communication between scholars in the form 
of books and journals; commercial publishers cannot assume all of 
the responsibility for such publications; and the universities, through 
their presses, have undertaken to assume some of the responsibility 
by setting up and supporting instruments for nonprofit publication. 

The University of North Carolina Press assumed its share of that 
responsibility from the beginning, and it is still true that most of the 
publishing effort of the press goes into the publication of books and 
journals that have no special relation to the state or to the region. 
The recent publication of A Russian-English Dictionary of Statistical 
Terms by the press, for example, is a service to scholarship on an in- 
ternational level. Its volume Hematology, edited by J. N. Sasser and 
W. R. Jenkins and based on an international symposium held in 
Raleigh, is a study of the greatest usefulness to biological scientists 
wherever the nematode makes inroads on field crops, orchards, or rose 
gardens. Also, the press has just issued a contract for a new interpre- 
tation of the plays of Aeschylus that will, we hope, be read by the 
serious students of all those literatures that have felt the impact of 
Greek drama. 

From its earliest days, the University of North Carolina Press, while 
devoting its major effort to publication for the scholarly community 
at large, has shown a special interest in the state and region in which 
it is located, so that today a higher percentage of its total number of 
titles published has been devoted to its locale than is probably the 
case with any other university press in the United States. How did 
this come to be? What is the record? And what does it signify? 

In this essay I am primarily concerned with books about North Caro- 
lina, but something should be said about books dealing with the region 
as a whole. The regionalism in book publishing by the press is, of 
course, partly a product of regionalism itself. We all know that the 
South is much more than a geographical expression. It is a history, 
a racial composition, a set of religious beliefs, social ideals, and poli- 
tical prejudices. It would be difficult for any cultural instrument such 

North Carolina and Its University Press 151 

as a university press to escape from the kind of self-scrutiny that goes 
with the region. 

This conscious analysis of the region took its special form in its pub- 
lications, I believe, because almost simultaneously with the organiza- 
tion of the press, the university established the Institute for Research 
in Social Science, under the leadership and inspiration of the late 
Howard W. Odum. He brought the disciplines of the social sciences 
to the analysis of regionalism, which resulted in a spate of studies of 
the South produced by scholars under Odum's influence. His energy 
and ability to charm the birds out of the trees brought foundation 
money to the institute, and to the press as the publishing arm of the 
university. In fact, it became the conscious effort of several of the na- 
tional foundations to assist in setting up in the South a strong univer- 
sity press with a special concern for the contemporary problems of the 
region. Among the important results, during the 1930's, were such 
volumes as Odum's own Southern Regions of the United States; Cul- 
ture in the South, edited by the director of the press, W. T. Couch; and 
What the Negro Wants, edited by Rayford W. Logan. The regional 
emphasis carried over into the natural sciences in such works as Char- 
lotte Hilton Green's Birds of the South and Trees of the South; and 
Trees of the Southeastern States, by W. C. Coker and H. R. Totten. 
It has continued as a conscious part of the publishing program of the 
press, numbering in recent years dozens of studies of the region's 
economy, sociology, and demography. Not to be overlooked are two 
press books about the region that, while not products of academic 
scholarship, are nevertheless important contributions to an under- 
standing of the region— and very successful publications as well. One 
of them is Stella Gentry Sharpe's Tobe, a juvenile picture book first 
published in 1937 that as recently as 1963 was characterized in the 
Saturday Review as "the only complete and attractive picture of a 
rural Negro family." The other is Marion Brown's The Southern Cook 
Book, which in its original hard-back and subsequent paper-back edi- 
tions has sold hundreds of thousands of copies. 

It is, however, the role of the press as the publisher of books about 
North Carolina with which I am chiefly concerned. As I have already 
indicated, this kind of localism was not in the pattern of university 
press publishing as it existed when the University of North Carolina 
Press was founded. Since the press was a pioneer among state univer- 
sity presses, there were no examples to follow. The University of 
North Carolina Press had to determine for itself whether its sponsor- 

152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ship by the state involved any obligation to publish books for the 

Over the years a policy did develop. Was it an unconscious response 
to something in the nature of the state and its people? Was it a con- 
scious policy of those who directed the press? The answer is complex, 
and I can't pretend to know it all. I am a newcomer to North Carolina— 
I am quite aware that seventeen happy and active years of working 
in the state don't make me a genuine Tar Heel. But I think that there 
is a kind of half-truth in the hoary saying that North Carolina is a 
valley of humility between two mountains of conceit— it is the notion 
that North Carolinians in their humility have an abiding thirst for 
more knowledge of their country and its ways. It is not an interest in 
the minutiae of genealogy or a complacent basking in former grandeur, 
but a desire for guidance by the lamp of experience. North Carolina's 
localism is a creative and forward-looking thing. It has been a driving 
force rather than a brake on the publishing development of the press. 

Other factors have played a part in the development of the press' 
North Carolina program. When the press was founded, it incorporated 
within its structure a fine monographic series, the James Sprunt Studies 
in History and Political Science, dating back to 1900 and consisting 
primarily of studies in North Carolina history and politics. Under the 
splendid editorial direction of such scholars as W. W. Pierson and 
Fletcher Green, this series of scholarly studies undoubtedly provided 
both example and impetus for further scholarly research and publica- 
tion dealing with North Carolina. 

Another factor was the crying need for more North Carolina ma- 
terial for primary and secondary education in the state. The commer- 
cial publishers were not then supplying even all of the basic texts 
needed, much less the supplementary books without which the texts 
were but bare bones. The press was thus presented with both a respon- 
sibility and an opportunity. By the 1930's it had developed the edi- 
torial skills required to create books for specific needs, choosing the 
authors to write them, and seeing them through from the initial idea 
to the book in use. 

Thus it was in response to the North Carolina spirit, to the example 
of what had been done, and to the needs of the state's educational 
system that the press developed a policy with respect to the publica- 
tion of books about the state. Before discussing that policy and its 
future possibilities, however, let me touch briefly on some of the 
highlights of the North Carolina program of the press. 

North Carolina and Its University Press 153 

It began slowly. In the first nine years of the existence of the press, 
out of 104 titles published, only six dealt with North Carolina exclu- 
sively. After 1931, the year in which Dr. M. C. S. Noble's A History 
of the Public Schools of North Carolina won the first Mayflower 
Award, the number increased rapidly. In the three following years, six 
more North Carolina books were published, including B. W. Wells' 
The Natural Gardens of North Carolina, the first edition of Hugh T. 
Lefler's North Carolina History Told by Contemporaries (the fourth 
revised and enlarged edition has just been published), and the first 
of three books designed for the schools of the state: A. M. Arnett's 
The Story of North Carolina, Nellie Rowe's Discovering North Caro- 
lina, and the first volume of Annie Cameron's Find Out Book, a. na- 
ture reader for children that didn't need to tell them that the cardinals 
migrated to North Carolina in the winter because it was written for 
North Carolina. 

In 1937 The Lost Colony had its first performance on Roanoke Is- 
land, and the press issued the first of four editions of that pioneer 
outdoor drama. In the same year appeared Guion Johnson's monu- 
mental Ante-Bellum North Carolina. In 1939, among seven North 
Carolina titles, was the first volume of the five-volume autobiography 
of Josephus Daniels, Tar Heel Editor; Bernice Kelly Harris' Purslane 
( another Mayflower Award winner ) ; The North Carolina Guide in the 
American Guide Series; N. C. Newbold's Five North Carolina Negro 
Educators; and Old Homes and Gardens of North Carolina, with 
photographs by Bayard Wootten and text by Archibald Henderson, 
a volume published with the sponsorship of the Garden Clubs of 
North Carolina. 

By the 1940's North Carolina books had become a well-established 
part of the publishing program of the press. The largest undertaking of 
that decade was the seventeen- volume series of the University of North 
Carolina Sesquicentennial Publications. One volume of that series, 
Archibald Henderson's The Campus of the First State University, has 
a continuing interest as the best available account of the development 
of the Chapel Hill campus. Other notable books of the period were 
The Early Architecture of North Carolina, published with the colla- 
boration of the North Carolina Society of Colonial Dames, and con- 
taining the magnificent pictures of Frances Benjamin Johnston; Au- 
brey Lee Brooks' Walter Clark: Fighting Judge, followed by The 
Papers of Walter Clark, edited by Brooks and Lefler; two Mayflower 
Award winners, Adelaide Fries' The Road to Salem and Phillips Rus- 

154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sell's The Woman Who Rang the Bell; and a textbook for North Caro- 
lina schools, North Carolina Today, by S. H. Hobbs and Marjory 
Bond. In the 1940's the first of Richard Walser's anthologies of North 
Carolina material, North Carolina in the Short Story, appeared under 
the imprint of the press. With the appearance next year of North 
Carolina Parade, coedited with Julia Montgomery Street, Richard 
Walser will have had five North Carolina titles on the press list. 

It is fair to say that the publication of North Carolina books by 
the press in the 1950's was dominated by North Carolina: The History 
of a Southern State, by Hugh T. Lefler and A. R. Newsome, univer- 
sally praised as a model of state history, recipient of the Mayflower 
Award and the award of the Association for State and Local History. 
There were also a number of interesting pairs of books on the state: 
John Harden's two books on North Carolina mystery and ghost stories; 
David Stick's two volumes on the Outer Banks; two excellent biblio- 
graphies of North Carolina documents by Mary L. Thornton; and 
John G. Barrett's two outstanding studies of the Civil War in North 
Carolina. Norman Eliason's Tar Heel Talk brought expert linguistic 
analysis to the study of how Tar Heels of the past actually talked; 
LeGette Blythe did a biography of one of the state's mercantile pio- 
neers, William Henry Belk; and S. H. Hobbs provided a broad picture 
of the state in North Carolina: An Economic and Social Profile. 

We are now in the middle of the 1960's, and certainly in the field 
of North Carolina history one publication of the press towers over 
the rest: The American Drawings of John White, the product of ten 
years' work by British and American scholars and ten years of col- 
laboration between the British Museum and the press. The North 
Carolina program in the 1960's has included such important auto- 
biographical works as Clarence Poe's My First Eighty Years and 
Luther Hodges' Businessman in the Statehouse; such important his- 
torical studies as Duane Meyer's The Highland Scots of North Caro- 
lina, Robert Ramsey's Carolina Cradle, and The Lower Cape Fear, by 
E. Lawrence Lee. As for the rest of the decade, the press has just 
issued Paradise Preserved, William S. Powell's engaging account of the 
efforts over the past century to preserve Roanoke Island and tell its 
true story to the rest of the world, written under the sponsorship of 
the Roanoke Island Historical Association. And there are on my desk, 
literally or figuratively, these projects for the future: an atlas of the 
state, to be prepared under the direction of the Department of Geog- 
raphy of the university at Chapel Hill, with contributions from scholars 

North Carolina and Its University Press 155 

from several branches of the university; a dictionary of North Caro- 
lina place names, representing ten years' work by William S. Powell, 
librarian of the North Carolina Collection; a study of flora of the 
Carolinas, prepared under the direction of the Department of Botany 
of the university at Chapel Hill; a guide in full color to the wild flowers 
of the state, based on the remarkable collection of color photographs 
taken over a number of years by Dr. William Justice of Asheville; and 
perhaps a dozen scholarly studies, in various stages of completion, 
in the fields of history, political science, sociology, and economics. 

What does it add up to? If we include the titles in the Sprunt series 
that were published before the press was founded but which the press 
took over, in its forty-three years of life the press has published close 
to two hundred books dealing with the history, or the economic, social, 
or cultural life of the state. I doubt that any other state university press 
has published as large a group of similar titles. There is no evidence 
that this development of the over-all program of the press was in 
the beginning a deliberate policy. Rather it was a response to the 
North Carolina spirit, to examples set for the press, to the needs of 
the state in the world of book publication. As the North Carolina 
library of the press grew, the very accumulation of titles created a 
policy— a situation in which the press not only accepted gladly the 
good North Carolina studies that came its way, but began to investi- 
gate and to plan ahead in this field. 

The rationale that has developed is that the press of the state's uni- 
versity owes the state a program of its own, over and above the basic 
program of publication for the national and international community 
of scholars. First, it owes the state the benefit of sound scholarly studies 
of all the facets of the state's history and current life. Wherever book 
publication and distribution of such studies would serve a useful end, 
the press should be able to accomplish it. Second, the press should 
be ever alert to the needs of the state's educational system that are not 
being taken care of by commercial textbook publishers and be ready to 
attempt to fill the gap. The commercial publishers today are doing 
a quite adequate job on the supplying of basic texts, but a large num- 
ber of supplementary books are needed, and the need will grow 
greater as public education is enriched in the years to come. The atlas, 
the guides, the gazetteer that I mentioned a little earlier, are examples 
of such works. Third, the press should think of all kinds of books that 
perhaps fall in neither of the categories described, but nevertheless 
add to the pleasures of living in North Carolina. May I cite one ex- 

156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ample? If Burke Davis will complete the book he has promised us, 
which we have already entitled Tar Heel Laughter, its publication will 
be some repayment of our debt to North Carolina. 

As I have shown, at first the press accepted the good North Caro- 
lina books that came its way. Then it began to plan individual books 
for special purposes. The next step, which I present hopefully, is to 
a stage in which the press can plan an entire program of North Caro- 
lina books. Such a step will require a special endowment that would 
permit the press to commission books, pay advance royalties, and make 
research grants, as well as subsidize outright the publication of books 
that could not be expected to recover costs through sales. Under such 
a program there might well be a special imprint, within the press over- 
all imprint, for what I have called the North Carolina Library. The past 
record of the press in the publication of books about the state makes 
me believe that such a library could make a major contribution to 
the cultural fulfillment of many generations of North Carolinians. 



By Henry S. Stroupe* 

The number of volumes of nonfiction written by persons maintain- 
ing either physical or legal residence in North Carolina and eligible 
to compete for the Mayflower Award has declined from forty in 1963 
to thirty-one in 1964 and twenty-five in 1965. Although the fact that 
fewer books of this type are being written in the state is a matter of 
concern, there are nevertheless substantial volumes on a surprising 
variety of subjects in this year's list. In the pages which follow, each 
of the twenty-five books will be identified by author, title, and pub- 
lisher. There will also be a few sentences describing the contents of 
each publication, but critical evaluations will not be included. 

In the field of religion, E. Norfleet Gardner has written Changing 
Patterns in Christian Programs (Boston: Christopher Publishing 
House). He points out that during the last twenty years marked 
changes have taken place in the institutionalized ministry of the 
churches and in the relationship between church and state. For ex- 
ample, the children's home of today is quite different from the orphan- 
age of yesterday. Churches are becoming more conscious of their 
responsibility to the aging and to the problems of church-supported 

Gardner declares that the pressure of need and the development of 
concern on the part of lawmakers have brought the state to an accep- 
tance of responsibility for the welfare of all. This has introduced a new 
concept with reference to the social services of the government, plac- 
ing religious and governmental agencies in the same category and in- 
troducing the possibility of co-operation of the two on a hitherto 
unexplored plane. The author concludes that "a good case can be made 
for use of federal funds by religious institutions, especially when these 
funds are not used for sectarian purposes." 

Norvin C. Duncan, Pictorial History of the Episcopal Church in 

* Dr. Stroupe is director of graduate studies and professor of history at Wake Forest 
College, Winston-Salem. 

158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

North Carolina, 1701-1964 (Asheville: Miller Printing Company), is 
the work of an Episcopal priest who gathered information during long 
periods of service at Raleigh, Morganton, and Franklin. His book 
contains among the introductory materials a picture and a biographical 
sketch of every North Carolina bishop from John Stark Ravenscroft, 
the first to hold the office, to Thomas A. Fraser, who was consecrated 
in 1960. Most of the volume consists of pictures of North Carolina 
churches and of the various individuals who have served them, along 
with narrative materials on the architecture and history of the 
churches. Much of the information on individual churches was sent 
to Duncan by local members. There is also information on Episcopal 
schools and hospitals. 

Charles Crossfield Ware, Star in Wachovia: Centennial History of 
the Christian Church, Disciples of Christ, Pfafftown, N. C. (New 
Bern: Owen G. Dunn Company), is the history of a Disciples of 
Christ Church located in the heart of an area more commonly as- 
sociated with the Moravian Church. Ware points out nevertheless that 
followers of Barton Stone and Alexander Campbell arrived in the 
area early in the nineteenth century and soon became established resi- 
dents of the community. 

Between the books on religion and church history already mentioned 
and those on economics yet to come, Harry Golden's So What Else 
is New? (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons), is being placed. Those who 
agree that the work embraces not only religion and economics but 
philosophy as well will approve the classification. In this his eighth 
book Golden has brought together fifty-one new essays and more 
than one hundred which had previously appeared in his newspaper 
columns. Most are short and the variety of subject matter is infinite. 
Among the titles are "John Steinbeck's Okies," "America and the evil 
eye," "On getting old," "The emancipated woman," "Subtleties of seg- 
regation," "The Far Right," "Long live de Gaulle," and "Bat Master- 
son's last posse." 

The title essay, one of the shortest in the volume, is here quoted in 
full: "The Beatle Haircut was the height of fashion in medieval times. 
The young minstrels and troubadours with Beatle haircuts went all 
over Europe and the ladies swooned with delight as the troubadours 
sang, 1 want to hold your hand, I want to be your man!' So what else 
is new: 

In "Go South, young man, go South," Golden writes with strong 
conviction: "When racial segregation finally ends, the Southern gold 

Review of North Carolina Nonfiction 159 

rush will be on. The South will provide then the greatest urban-in- 
dustrial growth in all history." 

There are two scholarly works in economics. One is David G. Brown, 
The Market for College Teachers: An Economic Analysis of Career 
Patterns Among Southeastern Social Scientists (Chapel Hill: Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press). This volume in Studies in Economics 
and Business Administration, published under the direction of the 
Graduate School of Business Administration of the University of North 
Carolina, examines in depth the question, "How do college teachers 
find and choose jobs?" In seeking the answer to this question, Brown 
drew upon the experiences of one hundred recently appointed college 
teachers and fifty of their department chairmen. 

The approach to this study of the labor markets for academic per- 
sonnel is that of an economist. He found the markets complex, indefi- 
nite, and decentralized. Most jobs, Brown reports, are found through 
friends and acquaintances though many professors use placement 
services, employment agencies, and blind letters. Location is the most 
important factor in job choice, but many other factors such as prestige 
and time for research are considered. In the academic labor market 
deans and chairmen are the employer agents. The deans decide the 
number to be hired and the maximum amount to be paid to the new 
men. Department chairmen are then assigned the task of finding the 
right man. The "right man" is the best available for the money that 
has been allocated. 

The other book in economics is Seymour W. Wurf el, Foreign Enter- 
prise in Colombia: Laws and Policies (Chapel Hill: University of 
North Carolina Press). This is the second volume of the American 
Society of International Law's Studies in Foreign Investment and 
Economic Development. The author formerly practiced law in Cali- 
fornia and is now professor of law in the University of North Caro- 
lina at Chapel Hill. Section one of the book presents the history of 
Colombia, the people, the educational system, the natural resources, 
industrial development, business and trade practices, and the govern- 
mental structure. The two remaining sections examine agencies and 
organized programs that are participating in Colombia's economic 
development and present a broad view of the nation's civil law legal 

Two books are concerned with racial problems in North Carolina. 
First is John Ehle, The Free Men (New York: Harper and Row). 
Although more widely known for his fiction, Ehle had written two 

160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

other books of nonfiction before he produced The Free Men. These 
were Shepherd of the Streets and The Survivor. 

The Free Men describes the experiences of a few young people, both 
Negro and white, during the months when Chapel Hill was a focal 
point of civil rights activity and resistance. According to the town 
authorities, public facilities in Chapel Hill were already 90 per cent 
integrated. The intellectual climate of this university town had, it 
was assumed, always been liberal, but Ehle's eyewitness account 
shows the fallacy of this assumption where race relations were con- 
cerned. The fifteen hundred arrests revealed the deep-seated nature 
of the animosities. The importance of the book rests in part on the 
fact that the lessons to be drawn from what happened in Chapel Hill 
can be applied to every American community. Ehle's conclusion fol- 
lows: "I have written about my own town, friends and acquaintances 
in this book, and there are going to be hurt feelings. I'm sorry about 
that. But I stand with the book. ... I go along with the italicized state- 
ment which is published in each issue of the Chapel Hill Weekly: 'If 
the matter is important and you're sure of your ground, never fear 
to be in the minority.' " 

The other sociological volume is Capus M. Waynick, John C. 
Brooks, and Elsie W. Pitts, editors, North Carolina and the Negro 
(Raleigh: North Carolina Mayors' Co-operating Committee). In 1963 
Negro demonstrations against segregation which denied them citizen- 
ship equality were being held all across the state. On July 5 of that 
year, upon the call of Governor Terry Sanford, a meeting known as 
the Greensboro Conference of Mayors convened for the purpose of 
co-ordinating leadership in meeting the crisis. Convinced that the 
race problem should rest largely with local authorities and business- 
men, Sanford urged cities and counties to organize groups to be allied 
with the state Good Neighbor Council which he had established. The 
Greensboro meeting endorsed Sanford's position and set up the North 
Carolina Mayors' Co-operating Committee to work closely with him 
and with local governments throughout the state to promote adjust- 
ment of racial differences. This book is a summary of the mayors' 
reports on what was done in fifty-five communities in the effort to 
deal with the problem of Negro discontent. 

One work in the field of applied science appeared this year. It is 
Rex W. Speers and Cornelius Lansing, Group Therapy in Childhood 
Psychosis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press). Two 
professors of psychiatry at the University of North Carolina School 

Review of North Carolina Nonfiction 161 

of Medicine have collaborated in the writing of this volume, which 
is a report on a venture in group therapy begun in 1960 with four 
psychotic children. The authors offer complete case histories of the 
children, describe the activities of the children's and parents' therapy 
groups, and follow the progress of the children individually. Although 
designed primarily to be of aid to mental health personnel involved in 
similar projects, this book should be of value to all who deal in any 
way with young disturbed children and their families. 

Jean Crawford's Jugtown Pottery: History and Design (Winston- 
Salem: John F. Blair) is the year's contribution in the fine arts. It 
contains an account of the founding of Jugtown in Moore County and 
a detailed description of the methods of shaping, glazing, and firing 
pottery used there. Tribute is paid to Jacques and Juliana Busbee, 
the guiding spirits in the establishment and maintenance of this folk- 
craft center. Several pages of photographs illustrate the methods and 
portray the finished products. The author and publisher have pro- 
duced an important work in art history. 

Three of the volumes in the broad field of history have their locale 
in the North Carolina mountains. One is Lucile Kirby Boyden, The 
Village of Five Lives: The Fontana of the Great Smoky Mountains 
( Fontana Dam : Government Services, Inc. ) . This small volume locates 
and describes the five distinct villages which have existed under the 
name Fontana since 1902, all within an area of two and one-half 
square miles. 

Another is Leonard P. Miller, Education in Buncombe County, 1793- 
1965 (Asheville: Privately printed). The period prior to 1888, the 
year the first public school opened, is treated in the first seven pages 
of the volume. Most of the remaining 130 pages are given to develop- 
ments in public education during the last half-century. The narra- 
tive sections are accompanied by extensive tables and several biogra- 
phical sketches. 

The last mountain publication is Horton Cooper, History of Avery 
County, North Carolina (Asheville: Biltmore Press). Approximately 
half of this volume consists of an account of the early settlers in the 
region and of the counties which preceded Avery. The remainder 
tells of the formation in 1911 of Avery from parts of Mitchell, Watauga, 
and Caldwell counties, and lists the names of those who have held 
public office in Avery or served in the armed forces since that date. 
The author found sources for the history of this region relatively 

162 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Another work in local history is Ethel Stephens Arnett, Confederate 
Guns Were Stacked at Greensboro, North Carolina (Greensboro: 
Piedmont Press ) . This is a description of the events which took place 
in Greensboro in March, April, and May, 1865, in connection with 
the surrender of General Joseph E. Johnston's army and the resulting 
demobilization of southern troops. Some 90,000 people crowded into 
the village, which was the state's principal railroad center. The volume 
is illustrated with contemporary drawings and photographs and also 
contains considerable documentary material. 

Two major historical works were published in 1965. One was Joel 
Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina During Re- 
construction, 1861-1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 
Press). In 1932 the University of North Carolina Press published Sim- 
kins and Woody, South Carolina During Reconstruction, which im- 
mediately became a classic. A new book in the field is, however, more 
than justified by the infinitely broader research resources now available 
and the fact that racial attitudes which would have been called liberal 
then are rapidly becoming untenable. Williamson amends the popular 
idea that segregation was a late-nineteenth-century phenomenon and 
demonstrates that the separation of the races was widespread and rela- 
tively rigid soon after emancipation. A central theme of the book is the 
fact that Negroes did not immediately pass from slavery to half -free- 
dom upon emancipation and then cease to progress, but that ultimately 
each Negro found it necessary to liberate himself and to continue by 
his own efforts to advance toward those cultural goals common to con- 
temporary white society. 

The other major historical work is Jonathan Daniels, They Will be 
Heard: America's Crusading Newspaper Editors (New York: Mc- 
Graw-Hill Book Company). Already the author of fourteen books, 
Daniels has now written a history of American newspaper editors and 
the causes for which they fought. He began with newspaper opposi- 
tion to the Stamp Act and continued by treating the role of selected 
individual editors in the great controversies of the two centuries 
which followed. The book's title is part of a quotation from William 
Lloyd Garrison. Others selected from the slavery controversy include 
Edmund Ruffin, southern agricultural editor turned proslavery cru- 
sader, and Elijah Lovejoy, abolitionist martyr. Less well known is 
Humphrey Marshall, who conducted a manhunt in the Western 
World of Kentucky for Aaron Burr, and Frank Blair, ardent supporter 
of Andrew Jackson in the Washington Globe. 

Review op North Carolina Nonfiction 163 

Daniels saw in the Cincinnati Enquirer in the 1870's the beginnings 
of yellow journalism in America. The reporter who produced the sen- 
sational stories was Lafcadio Hearn, and the editor who encouraged 
his innovations was John Albert Cockerill. The careers of men like 
William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer are included, but they 
are not the central figures in the story. 

Completing the list in history and travel is Holt McPherson, Euro- 
pean Report, 1964 (High Point: Phoenician Press). In the summer of 
1964 the author traveled through the Balkan states of Europe gather- 
ing material for use in his Shelby radio programs and his High Point 
newspaper columns. This volume contains thirty short articles on ob- 
servations he made in those countries. 

Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett published two books this year. Her sec- 
ond is a genealogical work entitled From England to North Carolina: 
Two Special Gifts (New Bern: Try on Palace Restoration). While do- 
ing research in the Library of Congress, the author discovered that 
Governor William Try on and William Sydney Porter (O. Henry) were 
both descended from the Shirley family of England. In this volume she 
traces branches of the family through nine hundred years of life in 
England and America. Use is made of both genealogical charts and 
narrative passages in describing how these men relate to North Caro- 

Another genealogical study is Oscar Ogburn Efird, The History and 
Genealogy of the Efird Family (Winston-Salem: Winston Printing 
Company). The author gathered information about this early Caro- 
lina family for half a century before writing its history. The thousands 
of names and charts are interspersed with narrative sections describ- 
ing the activities of individuals. 

The last book in this classification is Katherine Wooten Springs, 
The Squires of Springfield (Charlotte: Heritage Printers, Inc.). This 
is the story of the Springs family in America as revealed in "more 
than a thousand letters" written by members of the family during the 
last two centuries. The account begins with the arrival in New Nether- 
lands in 1652 of Gertrude Springsteen from Holland and continues 
with events in the life of John Springs and his descendents in North 
Carolina. Much of the content consists of descriptive material on plan- 
tation life and business affairs. 

The five remaining titles are biographical or autobiographical. 
Among these is Ruby K. Marsh, Keepers of Memories (Asheboro: 
Tydings Press). In this bound typescript volume are biographical 

164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sketches and photographs of the 107 Confederate widows living in 
North Carolina in 1961. The material consists primarily of statements 
made by the widows to the author or her representative. 

One biography of a prominent public figure was published during 
the year. This is Richard L. Zuber, Jonathan Worth: A Biography of 
a Southern Unionist (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 
Press). As lawyer, businessman, public financier, and governor of 
North Carolina, Worth typified the Union advocate of the Old South* 
The author describes Worth's efforts to avoid secession in 1861, his 
lack of enthusiasm for the Civil War and the Confederacy, and his 
rejection of the Reconstruction proposals of Congress that followed 
the war. Worth became State Treasurer in 1862 and was twice elected 
governor, 1865 and 1866. He continued to serve in the latter post on 
a provisional basis when Congress placed the state under military 
rule in 1867. Jonathan Worth defended North Carolina and its insti- 
tutions against interference by military commanders, the Freedmen's 
Bureau, carpetbaggers, and native Republicans. 

Zuber's biography also adds to the economic and educational history 
of the state in the nineteenth century. Worth was an astute business- 
man who managed his affairs so well that he lost none of his property 
or businesses during the war. Throughout his career he worked to 
further the public school movement in North Carolina. 

The first autobiographical work is Ivan M. Procter, The Life of Ivan 
Marriott Procter, M.D., F.A.C.S. (Raleigh: Privately printed). It 
contains a chronology of events in the life of this Raleigh physician, 
several of his addresses before medical groups, and selections from his 
scientific papers. For nearly half a century Dr. Procter practiced 
obstetrics and gynecology and was active in cancer research. 

Two of the state's leading women writers have published auto- 
biographical works. One is Helen Bevington, Charley Smith's Girl: 
A Memoir (New York: Simon and Schuster). Mrs. Bevington is the 
author of When Found, Make a Verse of, winner of the Roanoke- 
Chowan Award for poetry in 1962, and three other volumes of poetry. 
Charley Smith's Girl is her first work of prose. In it she tells about 
childhood and growing up in New York in the days before the first 
World War. Even though she grew up largely without him, the em- 
phasis throughout the narrative is upon the strong influence of her 
father. But recognition of the strength and courage of Lizzie Smith, 
her mother, is also abundantly evident. The story is concerned pri- 
marily with the years prior to graduation from the University of 

Review of North Carolina Nonfiction 165 

Chicago, for there are only ten pages on events after that occasion. 

Concluding the list of nonfiction for the year is Bernice Kelly Harris, 
Southern Savory (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press). 
In the Preface to this autobiographical work Mrs. Harris explains that 
savory in the title refers to the minty seasoning herb satureia hortensis, 
often called summer savory, and "is meant to suggest that people in 
whatever time or region are the seasoning that imparts flavor and 
spice to the human experience." She recounts memories of life in 
North Carolina during the first half of the twentieth century, describ- 
ing her family, friends, and neighbors and how they reacted to such 
divergent experiences as food rationing and funerals, lost kittens and 
airplane spotting, evangelistic campaigns, weddings, and playmaking. 

Mrs. Harris is best known for her first novel, Purslane, which won 
the Mayflower Award in 1939. She has published four other novels 
and many articles and stories. Honorary degrees have been conferred 
on her by Wake Forest College and the University of North Carolina 
at Greensboro. 

Twenty of the twenty-five books in competition for the 1965 
Mayflower Award were published within North Carolina by sixteen 
different presses. Five of the volumes came from the University of 
North Carolina Press, leaving the remaining fifteen to have as many 
different publishers. Thus it may be noted that North Carolinians both 
write and publish books of high quality, and it is hoped that such 
indications of desirable literary activity will multiply. 


By Stanley A. South* 

The historic site archaeologist searches the archives for historical 
information in the form of maps and written descriptions of places and 
people, and the events that formed the pattern of their lives, and he 
takes this information with him to the site where these people lived, 
and where the events occurred, and uses it to recover details of history 
not found in the archives. In his search for clues to history the archae- 
ologist turns through the pages that lie buried in the folds of the earth 
beneath his feet, and in so doing he is able to reveal details not 
recorded by the people who once occupied the historic site on which 
he stands. His goal is not to provide generalities of history, but to 
discover specific information such as the exact foundation upon which 
a building stood; the specific type of china used by the occupants of 
a house or town and whether it was imported or made by local potters; 
the kinds of tools used, and the clues they provide as to the industries 
and interests of the people who used them; the types of buttons, 
buckles, pins, wig curlers, combs, and other artifacts relating to the 
clothing worn by the people who once called the site their home. 
It is through the discovery and interpretation of these specific bits of 
information that the historic site archaeologist is able to add dimension 
to an understanding of history. 

The written documents reveal that the ringing of the town bell to 
announce the time for meals and prayer was heard by the Indians and 
frightened them so that they did not carry out a planned attack of the 
eighteenth-century settlement of Bethabara. When the archaeologist 
is able to locate the two postholes that once held the posts for the bell 
house, a new dimension is added to the historical note. History through 
day-by-day diaries, letters, official records, and maps reveals that the 
potter Gottfried Aust operated a pottery at the Moravian settlement of 
Bethabara from 1755 to 1771. It was through archaeology, however, 
that the specific information was found that revealed what a master 

* Mr. South is an archaeologist with the State Department of Archives and History. 

Historic Site Archaeology 


Pottery recovered from ruin of the Gott- 
fried Aust pottery shop in Bethabara. 
All photographs used with this article 
furnished by the author. 

Clay pipes and kiln equipment from 
Gottfried Aust pottery shop in Betha- 


Burned floor of home of Nathaniel 
Moore in Brunswick Town, 1728; build- 
ing burned, 1775. 

Ruin of six-room public house-tailor 
shop, Brunswick Town. 

potter Gottfried Aust was and exactly what type pottery he was 
making. This was revealed when the pottery shop ruin was exposed 
after being buried almost two hundred years beneath the feet of the 
the farmers who plowed over the site. This discovery not only revealed 
details about the type of workman Aust the potter was but provided 
what is perhaps the most complete range of pottery forms yet known 

168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the Colonial period. The historical knowledge of Aust the potter 
was of interest to students of Moravian history before excavation was 
carried out, but the specific knowledge gained from excavation of the 
ruins of the pottery shop will be of value to archaeologists and stu- 
dents of Colonial American ceramics and will make the potter Aust 
known far beyond his previous local interest. It is such clues as these 
that the archaeologist is seeking when he examines the ruins of a 
Colonial house or town. 

Historic site archaeology has been an aid to the interpretation of 
history on a number of historic sites in North Carolina. The eighteenth- 
century English Colonial town of Brunswick is being revealed through 
archaeology, and the ruins are being left exposed for viewing, similar 
to the interpretation that has been carried out at Jamestown in Vir- 
ginia. At Brunswick Town the 1769 map made by C. J. Sauthier 
has been of great value in locating the ruins. Over 120 buildings 
are shown on this map. Fifty of these are dwellings and the others 
are kitchens, smokehouses, warehouses, and public buildings. The 
deed records in the courthouse in Wilmington provide excellent 
historical data for use in correlating the ruins of the town with the 
map. Through this correlation of the historical records with the archae- 
ological ruins of the town, the story of Brunswick Town is being un- 
folded as the general historical knowledge is tied together with the 
specific archaeological information. 

In searching for clues to history in the ruins of the past, the archae- 
ologist is often concerned with determining the date the site was 
occupied. One method, of course, is to use the historical references 
but sometimes one must resort to archaeological methods. One of 
these methods of dating is the examination of the ceramics that are 
recovered in the process of excavation. The period of manufacture of 
various European ceramic wares is known and can provide a range 
within which a ruin can be dated. 

Another dating method used by the historic site archaeologist is to 
examine the holes in the stems of the kaolin pipes often found in great 
numbers on historic sites. By using these measurements in a formula 
the date of the accumulation of the pipe stem sample can be deter- 

Clues to the function of a building can sometimes be found which 
add greatly to the interpretation of a site. For instance, at Brunswick 
Town in the ruin of the six-room public house a quantity of scissors, 
thimbles, buttons, and thousands of brass pins were found, indicating 

Historic Site Archaeology 


that this structure had once been used as a tailor shop. The discovery 
of the pottery ruin at Bethabara revealed clearly to the archaeologist 
what the function of this building had been. Even if no historical 
records and maps had been available the identification of this building 
would have been obvious. Such is not always the case, however. In 
many instances where the function of a building is known the archae- 
ologist can find no clue that will verify the known historical use of the 
structure. For example, the gunsmith shop ruin at Bethabara was 
excavated without the recovery of a single item that could relate to 
the business of a gunsmith. 

Another type of information that sometimes proves difficult for the 
archaeologist to discover is the relation of a specific site to a specific 
event in history. An example of this situation is seen in the Stamp Act 

'* <*.**;. 

Gunsmith shop and other stabilized ruins 
at Bethabara. 

Ruin of lighthouse keeper's house at 
Fort Fisher; building constructed in 
1837 and used by Colonel William Lamb 
as headquarters prior to the first bom- 
bardment of Fort Fisher. 

170 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

resistance at Brunswick Town two hundred years ago. A number of 
the objects recovered from the ruins at Brunswick Town can be gen- 
erally associated with this period, but no specific artifact can be said 
to relate directly to this historic event in the history of the town. 

From this summary of the role of historic site archaeology in the 
search for clues to history, it will be seen that archaeology can 
provide specific information as to architectural features of a building 
or specific information as revealed through artifacts, and that this 
information can sometimes be correlated with known historical facts, 
but there are also questions that archaeology cannot easily answer. 
These unanswered questions are outweighed, however, by the wealth 
of information that is recovered through archaeological examination 
of a historic site. It is this fact, no doubt, which has resulted in the 
increased interest in, and the need for, historic site archaeology in 
North Carolina during the past few years. 

A number of local groups planning restoration projects have called 
for assistance that could be supplied only through archaeology, and 
this assistance has enabled them to have a greater understanding of 
the historic site in question. One such project was carried out at Bath 
at the request of the Beaufort County Historical Society. This project 
revealed the foundation of the house thought to be that of Michael 
Coutanche, one of the Bath commissioners in the eighteenth century. 
In the ruin a fragment of window glass was found with the name of 
Michael Coutanche scratched on the surface. The brick floor of the 
cellar of this building was found, on which a number of objects of 
the early eighteenth century were lying. Also discovered at this site 
were the original steps to the cellar of the Palmer-Marsh House. These 
steps have now been restored. Also restored was the well found during 
excavation of the yard. This well contained objects of the early eight- 
eenth century in the bottom, nineteenth-century objects near the 
center, and twentieth-century objects near the surface, including a 
1955 automobile license plate. 

Another project where archaeology was used to help a local group 
was in Swansboro where the Swansboro Historical Society requested 
help with the Ringware House. Excavation in the cellar revealed the 
eighteenth-century floor of the kitchen, and work in the yard revealed 
a series of retaining walls used to level the area around the house 
following its construction around 1778. 

In Greensboro, at the request of the North Carolina Society for 
the Preservation of Antiquities, an archaeological look was taken at 

Historic Site Archaeology 


the site of the home of Dr. David Caldwell, the well-known minister 
and educator who founded the "Log College." Excavation revealed 
the site of a dwelling with stone foundation and a cellar. The objects 

^£ 7 %t">yiP' 


Cellar of building thought to be home 
of Michael Coutanche in yard of Palmer- 
Marsh house. Bath. 

Brick foundation wall in yard of Att- 
more-Oliver house, New Bern. 

" "'SOP 


Bastion ditch of fort at Bethabara; ruin 
of Gottfried Aust pottery shop in back- 

Brad Rauschenberg and Jewell South 
placing new posts in original ditch for 
fort at Bethabara; stabilized ruin of 
store in foreground. 

172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

recovered from this ruin indicated that the date of the structure was 
no earlier than the turn of the nineteenth century, and no later than 
1825. This was not the eighteenth-century house ruin thought to be 
the home of Dr. Caldwell. Through further research in the light of 
the archaeological data, however, Dr. Lawrence Lee was able to find 
that Dr. Caldwell built a new house in 1799, which correlated with 
the archaeological findings and definitely established the ruin as the 
second home of Dr. Caldwell, not the "Log College" site. 

Excavation in the yard of the Attmore-Oliver House in New Bern 
was carried out at the request of the New Bern Historical Society 
Foundation. The brick ruin of a kitchen building was found in the 
yard, and a study of the Attmore-Oliver House revealed additions 
made in the early nineteenth century, providing a clearer picture of 
the evolution of this fine building. 

The major project undertaken during the past two years has been 
the excavation and stabilization of the eighteenth-century Moravian 
town of Bethabara, near Winston-Salem. This site, the first settlement 
of the Moravians in North Carolina, was later replaced as the center 
of Moravian life by the establishment of Salem in 1766. At the request 
of the Southern Province of the Moravian Church, an archaeological 
expedition was begun at Bethabara in 1964 and will continue into 
1966. The ruins of the shops and houses have been located by using the 
maps of the town made in 1754, 1760, and 1766 by Hoger and Gottleib 
Reuter. As the ruins are revealed through archaeology the stone- 
walled cellars are stabilized so they will be able to withstand the 
exposure to the elements. The town was surrounded by a palisaded 
fort in 1756 to protect it from Indian attacks during the French and 
Indian War. This fort was torn down in 1763 when hostilities with 
the Indians came to an end. The ditch dug by the Moravian brothers 
in 1756 to hold the palisade posts has been located and excavated and 
new posts, sharpened on the end, have been replaced in the original 
ditch. The discovery of the pottery shop of Gottfried Aust and a 
separate shop ruin of Rudolph Christ has been the major archae- 
ological discovery of importance to come from this project. This site is 
being developed into a historical park and is one of the more interest- 
ing archaeological sites of the historic period in North Carolina. 

The historic site archaeology program of the State Department of 
Archives and History grew out of the Brunswick Town project, and 
it has expanded to render a service throughout North Carolina to the 
local historical societies which are in need of archaeological services 

Historic Site Archaeology 173 

in relation to their restoration activities. Through this program historic 
site archaeology is helping to meet the need for a greater accuracy 
and broadened scope in efforts to understand and interpret the state's 


By Glenn Tucker* 

Governor Zebulon Baird Vance regretted during the War Between 
the States that no adequate record was being compiled which would 
preserve for posterity the generous measure of the state's participation 
in the struggle for southern independence. Disturbed because North 
Carolina newspapers did not enjoy the financial resources to support 
correspondents at the front in Virginia, as did the leading Virginia 
newspapers and some of other areas, he suggested to General Lee that 
North Carolina be permitted to attach a state war correspondent to the 
Army of Northern Virginia. Through this medium the home people 
would be kept enlightened about the achievements of North Carolina 
troops, regarding which they were usually meagerly informed, and, 
of equal importance, the story of the state's military performance 
would be accumulated for historians of later ages. 

A diligent student of ancient as well as English constitutional history 
and the common law— of Livy, Cicero, and Tacitus along with Hume, 
Burke, Coke, Blackstone, and many others— Vance recognized that 
the stability and progress of the present depend upon an esteem of 
the past. He understood clearly what some administrators often have 
forgotten, that history is not what transpires in the course of human 
events, but what comes to be recorded about what transpires. Civili- 
zations have been lost— the ancient Mayan, the Incan, the Aztecan, 
the primitive Germanic and Scandinavian cultures to large degree, 
the pristine splendor of the North American Indians— not because 
these peoples lacked intelligence or worthy aspirations, but because 
they produced no scribes and in some instances no written language, 
or else they failed to safeguard their records and traditions. 

General Lee found a military man's objection to having an official 
state correspondent in the field, and the project was dropped. But 
Vance appreciated that the historian, however conscientious, can work 
with no more than the materials at hand. The truth is that in history, 

* Mr. Tucker, of Flat Rock, is the biographer of Zebulon B. Vance and a writer of 
note; he served as president of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association 
in 1965. 

For the Want of a Scribe 175 

just as in the daily newspaper, names enter sometimes whimsically 
and mention of them often recurs and snowballs. The name of a 
person, perhaps of secondary import— a Davy Crockett or a Henry 
Ward Beecher, for example— can become a fixture in the history books 
just as capriciously as a bullish business man or an eager dowager 
may come to dominate the financial or society columns. Glittering 
publicity firms have been erected on this last simple fact. Why is it 
that a Charles Sumner will ordinarily get a generous space allotment 
in the better grade histories, while a George E. Badger will receive 
no mention at all? 

That question is what this speaker wishes to examine briefly tonight. 
As one who has read history persistently over the years, I do not recall 
that when I came to North Carolina nearly eighteen years ago I had 
ever heard of George E. Badger. The Reverend R. H. Whitaker, in his 
delightful Reminiscences, Incidents and Anecdotes, commented about 
Badger: "If he had hailed from some Northern state instead of North 
Carolina, where we have not learned to properly appreciate our great 
men, a shaft would, long ago, have been reared to his memory, and 
our school books would have been filled with extracts from some of 
his great speeches." 

Nor had I ever known of Willie Person Mangum, or more than 
superficially of William A. Graham, and not at all of Thomas L. 
Clingman except that a Clingman was an obscure general and the 
name of one of the highest mountain peaks. I was charmed with these 
four men when I met them because they were all rich surprises. Nor 
is it startling that I knew so little of them because, as I shall show, 
few over the country have had much opportunity to make their 
rewarding acquaintance. The plain fact is that not until recent times 
has North Carolina been duly attentive to her leading men. Readers 
of history in other states will have to be pardoned. Only a few days 
ago I received a letter from the highly capable top editor of a large 
northern newspaper who agreed that he had heard the name Zeb 
Vance "but am not acquainted with much of what the man did." Not 
acquainted with Zeb Vance? And yet, indeed, it is so. 

Compare the four North Carolina legislators— Mangum, Graham, 
Badger, and Clingman— with two other legislators of about the same 
period in American history, Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, whom 
I have mentioned, and Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania. Ten bio- 
graphies have been written of Charles Sumner and nine of Thaddeus 
Stevens, while George E. Badger, an abler, more balanced, and cer- 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Willie P. Mangum. 

William A. Graham. 

George E. Badger. Thomas L. Clingman. 

All pictures on this page from files of State Department of Archives and History. 

For the Want of a Scribe 177 

tainly a more attractive personality in many respects than either, in 
the opinion of this writer, has had none. This is by no means to infer 
that Sumner and Stevens are not entitled to biographers. The matter 
is one of proportion, and the nine-to-nothing score in this historical 
competition looks like a Sandy Koufax shutout. 

But that is not all. Nowhere in the land can the scholar find a 
comprehensive published biography— something more than a fragment 
or a thumbnail sketch— of William A. Graham, Willie Person Mangum, 
or Thomas L. Clingman, all men of high influence, public attainment, 
and conspicuous natural talents or personal charm. 

Douglas S. Freeman in his The South to Posterity, dealing with the 
failure of General Joseph E. Johnston to receive full justice from the 
historians, points out that Johnston did not keep his dispatches in good 
order or retain copies. Then Freeman makes this point: "As dramat- 
ically as any American, Johnston illustrates the somber, the cynical 
truth that a man's place in history depends, in large part, on care and 
good fortune— care in preserving essential records, and good fortune 
in having a biographer who uses those records sympathetically. . . . " 

We all know how for the want of a horse a battle was lost. Ap- 
propriately it may be said that for the want of a scribe much of an 
epoch of North Carolina history has been lost— the high points of the 
two decades before what Henry Watterson aptly termed the "War 
of the Sections," the two decades which are sometimes called the 
"Years of Decision," twenty years that might be known as the "Era 
of the Giants." 

Let us look briefly at these four men. 

Willie Person Mangum missed the presidency by an eyelash and 
deserved a better fate, and he would likely have been outstanding as 
a president in the low years between Jackson and Lincoln. Three 
times, the story goes, and this is more substantial than a mere tradition, 
he was offered the vice-presidency on the Whig ticket headed by 
William Henry Harrison and each time refused. He felt that Clay in 
fairness was entitled to the first place and he would not want to seem 
to sanction the rebuff to the magnetic "millboy of the Slashes." 
Harrison died a month after the inauguration and the Vice-President 
took over, and he could well have been Mangum instead of John 

For more than three years, as the president pro tempore of the 
Senate after Tyler succeeded Harrison, Mangum was next in the line 
of succession and only a heartbeat from the presidency. Probably not 

178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

since Jefferson had the Senate enjoyed a more gifted presiding officer, 
and rarely if ever has it since. The observant Ohio legislator and 
historian, Caleb Atwater, declared Mangum was "the best presiding 
officer I ever saw in any legislative assembly." After earlier House 
service, he was one of the dominating figures of the Senate for eighteen 
years— and remember, he asserted himself in the era of Clay, Webster, 
Calhoun, and Benton, and then Stephen A. Douglas, William H. 
Seward, and other legislative greats. More than that, he was a rich 
personality possessed of learning and depth. 

But Mangum's greatness does not rest on personal attainments or 
even on his long and constructive legislative career. None is more 
entitled to be grouped in an assembly of "profiles of courage." When 
he was instructed by the North Carolina legislature to vote in favor 
of Thomas Hart Benton's resolution expunging the record of the 
Senate's censure of President Jackson, he answered with a resounding 
"No." He held that the legislature had no right of instruction and 
went down to defeat on that issue. He was vindicated by the voters 
and later legislatures. By his courage he established the right of a 
senator to exercise an untrammeled judgment, a triumph of high 
significance to republican institutions. Illustrious as was his service 
and extraordinary as were his attainments, Mangum has had no bio- 

William A. Graham, governor, senator, cabinet member, remains 
still one of the state's leading notables in talents and accomplishments. 
The turning point of his career seemed to come when he visited 
Lexington, Kentucky, soon after his graduation from the University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and heard the impassioned John J. 
Crittenden address a jury. Great events usually grow from small inci- 
dents. Here, under the sway of the perfervid Kentuckian, Graham 
determined to quit the comfortable berth in his father's iron works 
and become a lawyer. He became a moderate conservative, influenced 
no doubt by idolizing Crittenden. He went to the United States Senate 
at the early age of thirty-six, and from that time until his death he 
was looked upon in all sections as among the nation's great. Few have 
so stamped their influence on world history. As secretary of the navy 
under President Fillmore, he organized the expedition which opened 
to American and world commerce the ancient hermit kingdom of 
Japan, and selected Commodore Matthew C. Perry to command it. 
Perhaps the circumstance that he never had a biographer accounts 
for the infrequent mention of his name in the recounting of that event. 

For the Want of a Scribe 179 

He was the Whig candidate for vice-president on the Winfield Scott 
ticket in 1852, but that was a mere incident and a futile honor in his 
noble career of devoted service. 

George E. Badger, one of the nation s great constitutional lawyers- 
penetrating, gracious, a conversationalist of charm, whose faultless 
pronunciation, easy command of words and rich musical voice capti- 
vated those who met him— was one of the well-informed men of his 
times. His marked rhetorical ability and exactness in diction sprung, 
no doubt, from the fact that in infancy he became a stammerer, a 
frailty he labored assiduously to correct. He had to conquer an intract- 
able temper as well. 

Samuel A. Ashe summed him up: "While there may be some ques- 
tion as to who should be regarded the greatest North Carolinian, 
certainly in any list of the five greatest the name of George E. Badger 
should be included." Again, "It seemed that he knew everything that 
was beautiful and eloquent and enchanting, and blended them in 
harmony as a lovely picture, and then with bewitching words invited 
the wonder and admiration of his hearers to the scene before them." 
Quite naturally, one possessing his gifts would lead his class at Yale 
and distinguish himself early in the public service. At the age of forty- 
five he became secretary of the navy under William Henry Harrison, 
but he was in the eminent cabinet group which resigned, disgusted 
when Tyler turned on his benefactors after he succeeded Harrison. 
He left his mark on the navy, at least on the officers' faces, by requiring 
that they cut their beards in a particular manner and such beards 
became known as "Badgers," a tonsorial term still employed occasion- 
ally in this writer's youth. 

When he came to adorn the United States Senate with his great 
talents, Justice Joseph Story of the Supreme Court presented him to 
Daniel Webster with the remark, "I beg to introduce to you the 
Honorable George E. Badger of North Carolina, your equal and my 
superior." President Fillmore nominated him to be a Supreme Court 
justice, but the appointment was not voted on and lapsed as the 
Fillmore administration died. Judge David Schenck said of him: "He 
may have had his equals but I do not believe his superior as a lawyer, 
an orator, a scholar and a conversationlist lived in this generation." 
Other contemporary tributes are as generously worded. 

Thomas L. Clingman was not built to the statesmanlike proportions 
of the other three, but he was a man of spurring enterprise and striking 
achievement, and one who wins a student's sympathy during the years 

180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of his decline. A stanch Asheville Whig in his early days, he was 
elected to the state senate in 1840 and then to the Twenty-eighth 
Congress, the Congress which annexed Texas. He foresaw the demise 
of the Whig party, became a Democrat, and was returned to the 
House for seven terms, then was sent twice to the Senate. 

Foster A. Sondley, the Asheville scholar, biographer, and bibliophile, 
a Buncombe County contemporary of Clingman for nearly half a 
century who dealt severely with him, conceded that he was courageous 
but a man of the "most arrogant and aggressive character, greatest 
self confidence, unlimited assurance, prodigious conceit, stupendous 
aspiration, immense claims, more than common ability, no consider- 
able attainments of culture, great boastfulness, and much curiosity." 
The Philadelphia Times correspondent who knew him during his early 
service in Congress gave a more moderate picture, saying that in the 
House he "plunged into debate upon every question, sometimes with 
more zeal than discretion, and frequently made himself the subject 
of sarcasm. Many times he narrowly escaped compulsory visits to the 
field of honor. [He did go once with William L. Yancey of Alabama]. 
He was really a most gentle and lovable man, and preferred the pur- 
suits of peace to the wrangles of the legislative hall." 

The last seems doubtful. He was a bitter-end fighter, part of his 
resolution no doubt resulting from his Cherokee blood. His remark 
to General Joseph E. Johnston in 1865 is worth remembering. When 
Johnston was surrounded by Sherman's army and was going to the 
Bennett farmhouse near Durham to surrender, Clingman came to him, 
opposed treating and declared grandiosely, "Let us make this a 
Thermopylae!" The more prudent Johnston retorted dryly, "I'm not 
in the Thermopylae business," and went on to surrender. 

Clingman's war activities and perhaps his bitterness are better 
understood from his frustrated love of the beautiful and only daughter 
of William Wilson Corcoran, the wealthy Washington banker and art 
collector, who became his close friend during his early congressional 
days before Clingman had attained much fame or Corcoran much 
affluence. The North Carolinian pressed his suit ardently and the 
father held aloof because the young lady was attracted also to George 
Eustis, Jr., the romantic private secretary of Senator John Slidell of 
Louisiana, and himself at times a congressman. When the charming 
heiress decided in favor of the younger Louisianan, Clingman with- 
drew gracefully and nursed his defeat privately, but he never married. 
Some believed the loss of the girl was the cause of his recklessness in 

For the Want of a Scribe 181 

battle during the Civil War. That intrepidity led to his promotion to 
brigadier general despite his utter lack of military education or experi- 

Corcoran's friendship for Clingman endured after the daughter had 
chosen Eustis and Corcoran had acquired wealth. Clingman s portrait 
was hung for years with those of the nation's great when the Corcoran 
Art Gallery became a Washington institution. It could be viewed 
among the portraits of the presidents, generals, leading senators, and 
supreme court justices, all on the same line and having in elevation 
an equal precedence of position. A newspaper man noticed that in his 
later years Clingman would steal into the Corcoran gallery to look 
on his likeness in his favorite pose, as he was declaiming in the Senate, 
in order to reassure himself from time to time that he was still there 
in the company of the noted. Eventually, in a shifting of the portraits, 
someone hung it in a back room. The reporter was on hand when the 
pitiful old man entered and saw that his portrait was no longer in its 
customary place among the canvases of the famous. Finally Clingman 
found it. "Why do you suppose they placed it in here, in this dark 
room?" he inquired plaintively. The newspaper correspondent assured 
him that the change was probably only temporary. "I hope it is," he 
whispered, with trembling lips and tears springing to his eyes. "I want 
that portrait to remain always among the portraits of my friends." 

The correspondent's opinion, not unlike that of Sondley, was that 
Clingman was "a man of intense self appreciation" and that "his desire 
to be remembered as a great factor in the affairs of the nation was 
something stronger than even that which is felt by most men of 
ambition." Handsome, tall and as erect as might be expected of one 
with an admixture of Indian blood, he gave himself dash by dressing 
fastidiously. In his old age, when his funds were exhausted, there was 
comment that his shining, threadbare coat was of the best material 
and that it fit him so nicely that "anyone would know it was the coat 
of a gentleman." One cause of his poverty was his stubborn adherence 
to a peculiar theory that tobacco was a cure for all human diseases, 
on which he expatiated in his later years until he became almost a 
nuisance. The cost of the literature he published on the subject plus 
the cost of the volume he issued of his own speeches, lectures, notes, 
and comments drained him dry of cash. 

But he was one of the most persistent debaters in Congress for 
close to twenty years. He was the last senator to resign after the states 
seceded, and the last southern survivor of the ante-bellum Senate. 

182 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Enterprising also he was as a mountain explorer and amateur scientist. 
He measured the second highest peak east of the Rockies and it bears 
his name; and he never relinquished his claim to have been the first 
to measure the highest, the Black Dome, now named Mt. Mitchell. 
More than that, he was one of the most picturesque, embattled, 
altogether colorful and controversial characters North Carolina has 
produced, and the best accounts of him remain no more than the 
two inadequate sketches, one by his niece, Mrs. Jane P. Kerr, in the 
Duke University archives. Of such gnarled contentious personalities 
is interesting biographical material shaped. The scribe has been want- 

In neither of two outstanding works of American history published 
during the current year, Daniel J. Boorstin's The Americans: The 
National Experience, and Samuel Eliot Morison's The Oxford History 
of the American People, both substantial volumes, is there reference 
to Badger, Graham, Mangum, or Clingman. Boorstin mentions the 
distinguished evangelist Billy Graham, and Morison the Reverend 
Sylvester Graham, after whom graham bread was named, but not 
William A. Graham of distinguished career in statecraft. 

In order to ascertain what North Carolinians were reading, and high 
school students were employing for their collateral texts, the speaker 
visited a typical city library in the state, examined some of the Ameri- 
can histories in most frequent circulation, and made a comparison of 
references to these four North Carolinians and to the two northern 
legislators of the approximate period, Sumner and Thad Stevens. 
Neither Sumner nor Stevens was a statesman of broad capability, in 
this writer's opinion, though some may regard them so. Each un- 
doubtedly had a flair for winning public attention. When Sumner was 
brutally assaulted by Preston Brooks on the Senate floor, he and his 
partisans over a period of years seemed to squeeze every agate line 
of sympathy out of the cruel attack. You will note in the official 
Biographical Directory of the American Congress that the incident of 
his career deemed worth mentioning apart from the bare details of 
his early life and the dates of his political moves and elections was 
this assault and his absence of three and a half years recuperating 
from it. The ordinarily just and fair minded Zeb Vance declared before 
the war, when Vance was a resolute union man, that Sumner acted 
the part of a blackguard. During the war he schemed to deprive 
Lincoln of renomination and after it he broke sharply with Grant. 
Though an orator of merit, he was not an inspirational national leader 

For the Want of a Scribe 183 

and he left little legacy of universal good will and admiration, but 
he has been a darling of the biographers. 

Thaddeus Stevens was an apostle of vengeance who helped set 
up the catastrophe of congressional reconstruction as opposed to 
presidential reconstruction, and led in the impeachment of President 
Andrew Johnson without citing anything reasonably approaching 
"treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Either he 
was not an honest character or was poorly versed as a lawyer, though 
he did presume to give President Lincoln lectures on the law. It is 
not the purpose here to enter into the merits or history of the different 
reconstruction plans, other than to say that Stevens left a frowning 
legacy of hatred for the historian to contemplate. The point is that 
biographies and histories began to be written about Sumner and 
Stevens and they became names for history to conjure with, and the 
biographies have tumbled out at the average of about one per decade, 
whereas many characters of equal dramatic impact, whose lives have 
been less rancorous and more wholesome for the guidance of posterity 
have never gained an entering wedge and consequently no historical 
significance at all. * 

Richard B. Morris, in his Encyclopedia of American History, a ready 
standard reference work at this library, and one that is termed "a 
single handy volume of essential historical facts about American life 
and institutions," refers to Sumner on nine pages and Thad Stevens 
on four and gives separate biographies of each, whereas there is no 
mention of Clingman, while Badger and Graham are merely names 
listed in the cabinets of Harrison and Fillmore, and Mangum receives 
name mention as having received South Carolina's electoral vote for 
president in 1837. 

The Rise of American Civilization, by Charles A. and Mary Beard, 
who did much of their writing in Tryon, North Carolina, gives refer- 
ence to Sumner and Stevens but none to the four North Carolinians. 
Their book has near top use in the library examined. William Miller 
of Ridgefield, Connecticut, whose well-thumbed history of 438 pages 
has North Carolina student circulation, and who in its preparation 
consulted professors at Harvard, Columbia, Princeton, Wisconsin, and 
Cambridge, England, gives ample reference to Sumner and Stevens 
but none to Badger, Clingman, Graham, or Mangum. Again, Samuel 
Eliot Morison and Henry Steele Commager in their Growth of the 
American Republic, studied frequently in this state, refer to Sumner 
on seven pages and Stevens on six, but on no pages to Badger, Cling- 

184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

man, Graham, or Mangum. You will find them dealing with Bad Bird, 
with General O. E. Babcock, and with Mary Wilkins Freeman, but 
ignoring the greatest of the war governors, Zebulon B. Vance. In the 
much read America: Its History and People by Harold Underwood 
Faulkner and Tyler Kepner, the four North Carolinians are forgotten, 
but Sumner and Thad Stevens get references on four pages each. 
Dated a little further back, but still actively read, The Development 
of American Nationality, by the Wisconsin professor, Carl Russell Fish, 
a work for college undergraduates and general readers, deals with 
Sumner on fourteen pages, Stevens on six, and Badger, Clingman, and 
Graham on none. Mangum is again merely a name who received the 
South Carolina electoral vote in 1837. 

So it goes with American histories that are in common circulation 
or are basic collateral reading among North Carolina students. None 
would want or expect North Carolina history to be provincial, but is 
it not true that the darkening veil has been drawn over some of the 
state's great men who made unusual contributions to the intellectual 
and material growth of America and in an instance to the awakening, 
enlightenment, and modernization of one of the world's great empires? 

Thus, I repeat, that for the want of a scribe, great names in an era 
of North Carolina statecraft have been lost. Their history would have 
contributed strength to the nation as a whole, which would have 
found in these men of high character much to enrich national life 
and culture. With difficulty, they may still be partially recovered by 
the biographer. What more inviting field of research and endeavor 
could be presented to the young historian than to work among the 
neglected great characters of this unusual state! 

A story I remember from my youthful reading was related by the 
distinguished Negro educator and lecturer, Booker T. Washington. 
He told of a ship out of sight of land. Aboard her all were perishing 
of thirst. Another ship finally appeared and the sufferers signaled. 
"Water! Water! We die for water." The new ship replied, "Let down 
your buckets where you are." Again the plea was made, "Give us 
water!" and again the reply, "Cast down your buckets." Finally the 
thirsty but doubting sailors let down her buckets and drew them up 
filled with clear, fresh water driven far to sea from the mouth of the 
mighty Amazon River. 

And so I say to the oncoming generation of research students and 
historians of North Carolina that it is not necessary, in order to achieve, 
to become intrigued with the grandeur of Napoleon or the nobility of 

For the Want of a Scribe 185 

Robert E. Lee, or with the pathetic tragedy of Abraham Lincoln, or 
the erudition and charm of John F. Kennedy. About all these, until 
there may be an accumulation of new evidence or fresh ideas, an 
abundance of books has been and is being written. Those who love 
history, who yearn for expression, who feel the impelling call to write, 
may heed the faint signals from this passing ship, and let down their 
buckets. Here, wandering through the departed decades of this single 
state, the biographer and historian may live and walk and ponder with 
noble, inspiring, valorous, achieving men, who for the want of a scribe 
have gradually been forgotten. 




By Lawrence Lee* 

On February 10, 1763, the representative of the King of England 
met in Paris with the representatives of the kings of France and Spain. 
All joined in signing the treaty by which France and Spain recognized 
England as the victor in the long, drawn-out Seven Years' War, known 
in America as the French and Indian War. From France, England 
received, with minor exceptions, all of New France (Canada) and 
undisputed possession of the vast area between the Appalachian 
Mountains and the Mississippi River. From Spain, she received 
Florida. 1 For England, it was a day of glory. She now stood on the 
heights of greatness as the most powerful nation in the world as well 
as the dominant power on the North American continent. Paradoxi- 
cally, time was to prove it was also a day of ill-fortune. The English 
would learn that the fruits of victory sometimes bear seeds of adversity. 
With the new land England also acquired new problems. The manner 
in which she sought to solve these problems was to cost her an empire. 

Prior to the French and Indian War, the American mainland 
colonies of England stretched northward from Spanish Florida to New 
France. Founded sporadically and without plan or pattern, they were 
separate from one another and were related only by a common tie 
with the mother country, and through the years that tie had come to 
have an uncertain meaning. To England the colonies were primarily 
economic appendages that existed to supply the empire with products 
it needed and to buy the manufactured goods of England. To make 
certain they served these purposes, their trade was strictly controlled 
by laws of Parliament. Known as Navigation Acts, these laws dictated 
how trade could move to and from the colonies, and control was made 
the more effective by customs duties levied on certain goods. 

* Dr. Lee is professor of history at The Citadel, Charleston, South Carolina. 

1 Frances Gardner Davenport and Charles O. Paullin (eds.), European Treaties 
Bearing on the History of the United States and Its Dependencies (Washington: 
Carnegie Institution of Washington, 4 volumes, 1917-1937), IV, 92-98. 

Days of Defiance 187 

The colonists accepted the limitations of the Navigation Acts, and 
among the reasons they were willing to do so were the bounties paid 
on various colonial products, trading privileges within the empire, 
and the protection of British military might. Too, when the laws 
became overly oppressive, they were often ignored, and England's 
failure to insist on strict compliance led to a degree of indifference to 
her authority. In this same loose administrative atmosphere the 
colonists acquired considerable control over the government of the 
colony in which they lived. For the most part, this power was gained 
by building up the rights and privileges of the lower house of the 
provincial legislature. Known as the General Assembly in North 
Carolina and by various names in other colonies, the lower house was 
the branch made up of the elected representatives of the colonists. 
Most of its powers were assumed rather than granted by the home 
government, but they were nonetheless real. Perhaps the most impor- 
tant was the right— and the sole right— to introduce into the legislature 
acts relating to appropriations and taxes. Such laws were passed from 
time to time to provide public revenue by levying taxes on the people. 
The colonists were willing to concede that customs duties for regu- 
lating trade were the prerogative of the English Parliament. At the 
same time, they had become convinced that the right to levy taxes for 
revenue was their business alone. 

The lax administration of the prewar colonies was not sufficient for 
the British North America that emerged out of the war. The enlarged 
territory required better administration and more adequate defense. 
From without, the colonies would have to be protected against such 
potential enemies as France; within, there were the Indians, especially 
in the area acquired from France, who would have to be pacified. 
The need for defense was shared by all the colonies, but British 
officials did not believe the colonies were capable of co-operating to 
the extent of providing a joint defensive force. For that reason, it was 
decided to send 10,000 regular troops from England to be stationed 
in America. It was also decided that the colonists would bear a share 
of the cost of maintaining the troops, and that the necessary revenue 
would be obtained from the colonists by means of taxes levied on 
them by the English Parliament. 2 Time was to prove this a disastrous 

2 Edmund S. Morgan and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to 
Revolution (Chapel Hill: University _ of North Carolina Press, 1953), 22-23, herein- 
after cited as Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis; Lawrence Henry Gipson, The Coming of the 
Revolution, 1763-1775 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), 56, 58-59, hereinafter 
cited as Gipson, Coming of the Revolution. 


188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The burden of raising the defense revenue from the colonists fell 
on George Grenville, chancellor of the exchequer. As the most expedi- 
ent beginning, he turned to a tax that already existed. Molasses in 
large quantities had long been imported into the colonies, especially 
into New England where it was made into rum for trade. For various 
reasons, most of the molasses was purchased from the foreign West 
Indies. In 1733 Parliament had sought to divert the purchases to the 
English West Indies by passing the Molasses Act, which imposed a 
duty of six pence per gallon on all foreign molasses brought into the 
colonies. As a means of raising a portion of the defense funds, Gren- 
ville decided to reduce the molasses duty from six pence to three 
pence. This reduction was one of the provisions of the law known as 
the Sugar Act of 1754. 3 

Reduction of the tax rate as a means of increasing income was not 
the madness it might seem. Neither was the protest raised by the 
colonists. The old tax had been so high it had been generally circum- 
vented by smuggling. The new tax was more reasonable, and Grenville 
was determined that it would be collected. In effect, it was a new tax 
and as such it met with bitter opposition, especially in the northern 
colonies where it would be felt most. The tax had little effect in the 
southern colonies and caused little excitement among them. 4 In North 
Carolina, for example, there was more concern over the provision of 
the act that required all lumber shipments to Europe to be landed 
only in Great Britain. Lumber was an important export, and North 
Carolina was one of the few colonies to condemn the Sugar Act for 
what it was, a means of raising revenue. 5 Most other colonies, regard- 
ing it primarily as a regulation of trade, protested on the basis of the 
hardship the act would bring. 6 It remained for another law, the Stamp 
Act, to sound the general alarm that Parliament was encroaching on 
a precious legislative right. 

Grenville had realized the Sugar Act would not provide all of the 
revenue needed, so when it was passed he recommended that Parlia- 
ment levy a stamp tax on the colonists. The result was the Stamp Act 
which was passed on March 22, 1765, to become effective the follow- 

3 Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 56, 62-65. 

4 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 30-39. 

6 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 28-29, 38-39; William L. Saunders (ed.) , The Colonial 
Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), 
VI, 1261, hereinafter cited as Saunders, Colonial Records; Edmund S. Morgan (ed.), 
Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 176U-1766 
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959), 6, hereinafter cited as 
Morgan, Prologue to Revolution. 

6 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 39. 

Days of Defiance 189 

ing November 1. As the name implies, the stamp tax was represented 
by a stamp placed on the objects taxed. Until recently, similar stamps 
could be found on cigarette packages, and they are still to be found 
on playing cards, real estate conveyances, and such. The Stamp Act 
of 1765 levied a tax on legal and commercial papers, licenses to 
practice law, marriage licenses, wine and liquor licenses, ships' clear- 
ance papers, college diplomas, playing cards, dice, newspapers, news- 
paper advertisements, pamphlets, and many other objects. 7 

The stamp tax was not a new device conceived to extract money 
from the colonists— it had long been used in England and accepted in 
spite of the fact that the rates were generally higher than those levied 
in the colonies. For that reason it was difficult for Englishmen to 
understand why the Stamp Act brought forth such a howl of protest 
from America. Even if the Englishmen could not see the reasons, 
there were several good ones. For one thing, the tax was oppressive. 
Some rates were low, such as the halfpenny on certain legal docu- 
ments, but others were extremely high: the £10 rate on law licenses; 
the £2 on college diplomas; the £4 on liquor licenses; the £3 on 
wine licenses, and others. Not the highest, but possibly the most 
objectionable, rates were those on newspapers and newspaper adver- 
tisements. 8 

The tax as a whole was all the more burdensome because it was 
required to be paid in sterling money of Great Britain. 9 In England, 
a merchandising nation where money was plentiful, such payment was 
normal. In America, where there was always a distressing lack of 
specie, the requirement was onerous, if not actually unenforceable. 

Another of the provisions of the Stamp Act that was particularly 
obnoxious to the colonists was the manner in which violators were 
to be prosecuted. They could be tried in any court of record within 
the colony in which the offense occurred, or in any vice-admiralty 
court having jurisdiction. This included the vice-admiralty court which 
had recently been created at Halifax, Nova Scotia. Because vice- 
admiralty courts did not provide trial by jury, the colonists resented 
this provision as an abuse of their constitutional rights as Englishmen. 10 

Overshadowing all other issues related to the stamp tax was the 
question of Parliament's right to levy it. The colonists in general denied 
this right and expressed their feeling in various forms. For example, 

7 Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 70 ; Morgan, Prologue to Revolution, 35-43. 

8 Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 70 ; Morgan, Prologue to Revolution, 35-43. 

9 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 106; Morgan, Prologue to Revolution, 41. 

10 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 24-25, 36, 106, 114; Morgan, Prologue to Revolution, 

190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

several colonial legislatures, notably that of Virginia, adopted reso- 
lutions of protest. 11 There was also a Stamp Act Congress which met 
in New York in October, 1765. Responding to an invitation sent out 
by the Massachusetts legislature, nine of the colonies sent delegates 
to the congress. The resolutions adopted constituted a united voice 
of protest. 12 There were also newspapers and pamphlets in which 
opposition was expressed with varying degrees of intelligence. 

It would be tedious to analyze each individual protest, and it will 
suffice to say that the general theme of dissent was that because the 
colonies did not send elected representatives to the English Parliament, 
the stamp tax was "taxation without representation." As such, it was 
contrary to their constitutional rights. English leaders denied this 
contention. Both sides were right and both were wrong. The conflict 
revolved around the different meanings of "representation." The 
colonists believed in actual, or direct, representation by which the 
elected legislator represented the interests of the people who elected 
him, and to whom he was responsible for his actions. The English, on 
the other hand, believed in virtual, or indirect, representation by 
which all members of Parliament represented all Englishmen, the 
American colonists no less than the women and children and other 
nonvoters in England. The difference in definition seemed to defy 

Inasmuch as the thinking of the intellectuals of the colonies was 
reflected in the resolutions and pamphlets and such, they were perhaps 
the more meaningful forms of protest. But far more exciting were the 
public demonstrations that reflected the thinking— and the emotions— 
of the average man. In one form or another demonstrations occurred 
in all the colonies, and for the most part were directed against the 
stamp distributors. 13 In the hope of making the stamp tax more 
palatable to the colonists, the officials in England appointed as stamp 
distributor in each colony a native son who was likely to be acceptable 
to his fellow citizens. It was a vain hope, however, because no matter 
how distinguished the appointees, they were not spared the wrath of 
their neighbors. 14 

The earliest public demonstration took place in Boston in August, 
1765. It was directed against the distributor for Massachusetts and 
was instigated by a group known as "The Loyal Nine/' which later 

11 Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 86-88; Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 88-102. 

12 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 102-113. 

13 Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 91-93. 
"Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 152-153. 

Days of Defiance 191 

expanded into the original body of the "Sons of Liberty." The incident 
began with the hanging of an effigy of the distributor, but soon got 
out of hand. The Loyal Nine made the mistake of persuading an 
organized gang of local hoodlums to join in the activities. Before the 
affair was over, the distributor's place of business had been destroyed, 
and his home had been ransacked and ruined. He remained alive only 
because he had fled. A few days later, the fury of the mob was un- 
leashed on the home of the deputy-governor, Thomas Hutchinson, 
with destructive consequences. At about the same time, the distributor 
for Rhode Island suffered a similar indignity and loss. 15 

These incidents were examples of irresponsible and destructive mob 
violence which, fortunately, did not form a pattern that was widely 
followed by others. In every colony Sons of Liberty were organized 
and the stamp distributor was forced to resign or flee. Persuasion was 
used in varying degrees, but there were no repetitions of the violence 
that took place in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The more moder- 
ate actions, however, were nonetheless effective. 16 

In North Carolina reaction to the Stamp Act was centered in the 
Lower Cape Fear area because Brunswick was the principal port of 
the province and the place the effects of the law were felt most. 
Also, it was the place of residence of the Governor, William Tryon, 
whose home, "Bellfont," adjoined the town of Brunswick on the north. 
In their actions, however, the people of the Lower Cape Fear repre- 
sented all the people of North Carolina. 

Compared to the people in certain other colonies, the residents of 
the Lower Cape Fear were rather slow in responding to the Stamp 
Act. News of the law had reached the province by June, 1765, 1T but 
several months passed before public reaction was evident. There were 
several reasons for the delay. North Carolina was one of the four 
colonies not represented in the Stamp Act Congress, but the absence 
was not due to the indifference of her people. Instead, the General 
Assembly was not in session so that delegates could be chosen, and 
Tryon did not see fit to call it for that purpose. For the same reason 
the Assembly could not follow the example of the Virginia and other 
legislative bodies in adopting resolutions of opposition to the tax. The 
people of North Carolina, however, were already on record on the 
subject of "taxation without representation." In attacking the Sugar 
Act as a scheme to raise revenue, the Assembly had denounced the 

15 Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 121-129, 144-151. 

"Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 152-157; Gipson, Coming of the Revolution, 91-93, 103. 

17 South Carolina Gazette (Charleston), June 22-29, 1765. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

Maurice Moore. From files of State Department of Archives and History. Original 
owned by Colonial Dames, Wilmington. 

levy as having been "laid on us without our Privity and Consent, and 
against what we esteem our Inherent right, and Exclusive privilege 
of Imposing our own Taxes." 18 

The people of North Carolina did not remain mute on the subject of 
the Stamp Act. In 1765, at the height of the controversy over the law, 
Judge Maurice Moore, a native son of the Lower Cape Fear, raised a 
voice of protest in a pamphlet entitled The Justice and Policy of Taxing 
the American Colonies in Great-Britain, Considered. It was a learned 
treatise in which Moore followed the same general thinking of his 
fellow intellectuals throughout the colonies. He denounced the stamp 
tax as "taxation without representation" and denied the right of 
Parliament to impose it on the colonists. He also rejected the concept 
of virtual representation insofar as the colonists were concerned. At 
the same time he contended that direct representation of the American 
colonies in the English Parliament was impractical, if not impossible. 19 

18 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1261. 

"William K. Boyd, Some Eighteenth Century Tracts Concerning North Carolina 
(Raleigh: North Carolina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and 
History], 1927), 157-174. 

Days op Defiance 193 

Maurice Moore was a learned man, and few of his fellow citizens 
could express themselves so eloquently. There were, however, a great 
many who did express themselves in their own fashion. They did so 
in a number of public demonstrations. The first of these incidents 
took place in Wilmington on October 19, 1765. It was Saturday and 
many people from the surrounding countryside had come into town. 
By seven o'clock in the evening some five hundred persons had 
congregated about the courthouse on Front and Market Streets to 
loosen their anger on a certain unidentified gentleman of the town 
who had been so unwise as to express himself in favor of the stamp 
tax. An effigy of the culprit was hung for awhile and was later burned 
in a large bonfire. The crowd then proceeded to every house in town, 
routed out the men and escorted them to the bonfire. There appro- 
priate toasts were drunk until midnight. Since each toast was followed 
by three loud cheers, the dispersal of the group was no doubt a 
welcome relief to the more sober inhabitants of the town who had 
remained at home. 20 

The affair of October 19 was so charged with excitement that it 
invited repetition. An opportune time came on the evening of the 
thirty-first. It was the night before the Stamp Act was to go into effect. 
It was also Halloween, a proper time for somber deeds. A large crowd 
again gathered in Wilmington and this time it acted out a funereal 
pageant. The action centered on an effigy representing "Liberty'' 
which was borne by coffin in procession through the streets of the 
town to the churchyard. The solemnity of the occasion was enhanced 
by the beating of a mourning drum and the doleful tolling of the 
town bell. At the churchyard preparations were being made to commit 
"Liberty" to the grave. In a final examination, its pulse was felt and 
it was discovered that life remained. "Liberty" was not dead in the 
colony. This was good cause for celebration. The effigy was seated in 
an armchair, in a place of honor before a roaring bonfire, and rejoicing 
continued late into the night. Again, if the crowd had not been al- 
together sober, neither had it been destructive. "Not the least Injury 
was offered to any Person." 21 

The following morning, November 1, the Stamp Act went into effect 
amid the strangest of circumstances. The law had become a matter 
of common knowledge throughout North Carolina, but not even the 
Governor had received official notice of the law or a copy of it. Neither 

20 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 123. 

21 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 124. 

194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had he received any stamps nor had he been notified of the appoint- 
ment of a stamp distributor. 22 Even if the people had been willing to 
accept it, the law could not be enforced without stamps and someone 
to distribute them. Consequently, the law was not enforced. Without 
stamps, ships' clearance papers could not be issued, and without 
proper papers ships could neither enter nor leave. The port was closed 
and shipping was paralyzed. Likewise, the courts could not operate 
for want of stamps to authenticate necessary legal documents. For 
the same lack of stamps, the local newspaper had ceased publication. 
Overnight, the Lower Cape Fear had been transformed into a dormant 
community. And so it remained. 23 

The Cape Fear people, too, were inactive until mid-November. By 
that time Dr. William Houston, highly respected gentleman from 
Duplin County, had received notice of his appointment as stamp 
distributor for North Carolina. On November 16 Houston went to 
Wilmington on a visit, and he received a welcome befitting the 
prestige of his newly-acquired office. It was a Saturday and upon 
hearing of Houston's presence in town, a crowd of three or four 
hundred persons gathered. With drums beating and flags waving, 
they marched to the inn where Houston was lodged. From there they 
escorted him into the courthouse where, in the presence of the mayor 
and several aldermen of the town, he was forced to sign his resignation 
as stamp distributor. 24 

Now the multitude had another occasion for rejoicing and, as usual, 
the most was made of it. Never had a villain so quickly turned into 
a hero. Houston was placed in an armchair and carried in triumph 
around the courthouse. At each corner of the structure three loud 
cheers were raised. He was then carried back to his lodgings, and at 
the door his newly-acquired admirers gathered about him and raised 
three more cheers in his honor. All then went inside to enjoy "the best 
Liquors to be had." 25 

Having converted Houston to the cause, the jubilant crowd pro- 
ceeded to the shop of Andrew Steuart and demanded that he resume 
publication of his newspaper. He agreed, but only because of fear of 
injury to his person and damage to his property. That evening the 
merriment of the afternoon was resumed around a large bonfire. 
Nearby was a table laden with liquor around which the celebrants 

22 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 123. 

23 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 125, 143-144, 161. 

24 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 124, 130-131, 143. 

25 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 124. 

Days of Defiance 195 

gathered and drank "all the favourite American Toasts." Each toast 
was followed by the inevitable three loud cheers. Later in the evening 
the affair ended without violence. 26 

According to a contemporary account of the Houston affair, there 
was "not the least Insult offered to any Person/' 27 Governor Tryon 
might well have taken exception. The treatment of Houston as a 
Crown officer was, to say the least, very close to insult. From the 
beginning of the Stamp Act troubles, and long before, Tryon had been 
confined by illness to his home near Brunswick. 28 He had observed 
with concern the defiant attitude of the Cape Fear people but had 
been reluctant to take any action that might have stirred stronger 
passions. Even so, he was anxious to placate the people and was 
hopeful that it might be done before the stamps should arrive in the 
river and arouse emotions again. Consequently, he sent a special 
invitation to the most influential citizens of the area to join him for 
dinner at his home on November 18. About fifty merchants and 
other gentlemen of New Hanover, Brunswick, and Bladen counties 
accepted. 29 

A genial host, the Governor explained that he did not wish to discuss 
the complex question of Parliament's right to tax. He did hope, he 
said, that none of the people desired to cut the tie with the mother 
country and that they would manifest their loyalty by obeying the 
laws of Parliament. He also expressed the hope that the arrival of the 
stamps, expected soon in the Cape Fear, would not be the occasion 
for deplorable violence and destruction such as had occurred else- 
where. 30 

Having spoken as a good Crown officer, Tryon next spoke as a 
sympathetic leader. He realized, he said, that there was not enough 
specie in the whole of North Carolina to pay the stamp tax for a single 
year. Consequently, he added, it was his intention to explain the 
condition of North Carolina in such a light that even if the act was 
not repealed, the province would be exempted from its provisions— 
that is, if the people of North Carolina did not, by unwise opposition, 
frustrate his expectations. 31 

In the hope of encouraging the people to accept the stamp tax, 
Tryon offered to pay personally the tax on any legal instruments on 

26 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 124-125. 

27 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 124. 

28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 123, 143. 

29 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 125, 127, 143. 

30 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 127-130. 
81 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 127-130. 

196 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

which he, as governor, received a fee. He also promised to pay for a 
specified number of wine licenses for the various towns of the prov- 
ince. Last but not least, Tryon urged the people of North Carolina to 
accept the stamp tax and thereby gain the unusual profits that would 
come with unrestricted trade while the ports of the more obstinate 
neighboring provinces were closed. 32 

Tryon's guests heard him out and asked permission to give their 
answer on the morrow. In their reply the next morning, the Cape 
Fear gentlemen professed loyalty to the Crown and disavowed any 
desire to sever the tie with England. But, they added, the Stamp Act 
violated their rights as British subjects and for that reason could not 
be accepted, in whole or in part. They expressed a particular aversion 
to the provision of the law relating to the trial of violators without 
benefit of jury. 33 The Cape Fear people had put principles ahead of 

On November 28, a few days after the meeting at "Bellfont," the 
stamps finally arrived in the Cape Fear River aboard His Majesty's 
Sloop, "Diligence/' No one had been willing to accept the post of 
stamp distributor which Houston had vacated, so there was no one 
to receive the stamps. Consequently, they were left aboard the 
"Diligence," which remained in the river. The stamp law continued to 
be inoperative, and the Lower Cape Fear remained inactive. 34 

As the year 1765 drew to a close, William Tryon reported to his 
superiors in England that "the obstruction to the Stamp Act passed 
last Session of Parliament has been as general in this province [of 
North Carolina] as in any colony on the continent." 35 Tryon did not 
know it at the time, but the depth of the feelings of the Cape Fear 
people had not yet been revealed— and neither had their real op- 
position yet begun. 

The people of the Lower Cape Fear continued to refuse to accept 
the Stamp Act and accepted with passive fortitude the hardship that 
was the price of their determination. And the hardship was great. The 
courts and the port remained closed, and the trade of the area was 
said to be "entirely ruined." Because they could not be shipped, tar 
and pitch, the principal export products, were accumulating at the 
docks until they would soon "be running through our streets [of 
Wilmington]." 36 

32 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 127-130. 

33 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 127-130. 

34 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 161, 168. 

35 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 143. 

^Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 143-144; D. L. Corbitt (ed.), "Historical Notes, 

Days of Defiance 197 

Under these conditions pressures were increasing, and only a spark 
was needed to set off an explosion. The spark came early in the new 
year, 1766. In mid-January, two merchant sloops, the "Dobbs" from 
St. Christopher and the "Patience" from Philadelphia, entered the 
river without properly stamped papers. Both were seized for violation 
of the Stamp Act by Captain Jacob Lobb, commander of His Majesty's 
Sloop~of-War, "Viper," then stationed in the Cape Fear River. Lobb 
turned the ships' papers over to William Dry, the collector of customs, 
for legal action. Uncertain of the proper procedure for prosecution, 
Dry requested the advice of Robert Jones, the attorney general of the 
province. Jones was away from his home, and his reply was delayed 
for several weeks. In the meantime, Lobb seized another vessel, the 
"Ruby," for entering without properly stamped papers. 37 

The anger of the Cape Fear people, aroused by the seizures of the 
vessels, was raised to even greater intensity by a report that seven 
other ships had come to enter the river but had turned away upon 
hearing of the state of affairs in the port. Ten vessels to haul away 
tar and pitch would have done much to restore the economy of the 
Lower Cape Fear. 38 The ultimate provocation came when it was 
learned that the Cape Fear was the only port in the colonies to remain 
closed— and none of the others had bowed to the Stamp Act. Instead, 
compliant officials had permitted the return of business as usual by 
issuing certificates that stamps were not to be had. 39 

In spite of the intensity of their feelings, the people contained 
themselves until the attorney general could be heard concerning the 
vessels held in custody. If they were released and the port reopened, 
the need for action would no longer exist. The decision came on 
February 15, and with it the end of hope for peaceful settlement. Not 
only did the attorney general order the vessels prosecuted, but he 
ruled that the prosecution would have to take place in Halifax, Nova 
Scotia, because there were no stamps to be had locally with which to 
authenticate the necessary legal papers. 40 

The men of the Cape Fear were now determined to obtain justice 
and to use whatever force that might be necessary to do so. Some 
forty of them gathered in Wilmington and sent a message to William 

North Carolina Historical Review, II (July, 1925), 388, hereinafter cited as Corbitt, 
"Historical Notes." The "Historical Notes" section in this issue of the North Carolina 
Historical Review included excerpts from ten copies of the London Chronicle, dated 
from 1766 to 1785. 

37 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 174-176, 183. 

88 Corbitt, "Historical Notes," 388. 

39 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168a, 168f; Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 165. 

40 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 176-177. 

198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dry warning him of possible violence if he should let the vessels be 
removed from the river. 41 Dry was no more in sympathy with the 
Stamp Act than his neighbors who sent the warning, but he pointed 
out in his reply that it was his responsibility as a Crown officer to 
prosecute. And, he added, should he avoid his duty by resigning, 
someone less sympathetic might take over his office. In a more concili- 
atory tone he assured the people that Captain Lobb did not intend 
for the vessels to be removed from the river, and that he, Dry, would 
see that they were not. 42 

Dry's reply did not satisfy the men of the Cape Fear, and from 
the surrounding counties they began to converge on Wilmington. 
There on February 18, they organized as the Sons of Liberty and took 
a solemn oath to join "in preventing entirely the operation of the 
Stamp Act." 43 If that goal was to be achieved, Captain Lobb would 
have to be dissuaded from enforcing the law. With that purpose in 
mind, almost a thousand well-armed citizens marched to Brunswick 
the following day. The group included "most all of the gentlemen and 
planters" of New Hanover, Brunswick, Bladen, and Duplin counties, 
as well as the mayor and aldermen of Wilmington. A number of ship 
captains were also present. 44 

On their way to Brunswick the citizens group stopped by "Bellf ont," 
the home of Governor Tryon, to advise him of their intentions. In the 
gathering dusk of evening, George Moore and Cornelius Harnett 
approached the door of the house and delivered a message, signed in 
the name of the people by John Ashe, Thomas Lloyd, and Alexander 
Lillington. The message simply informed the Governor that the people 
proposed to seek out Captain Lobb and put an end to the injustices 
they suffered. Their most bitter complaint was that their port alone 
in the colonies remained closed. After assuring the Governor of his 
own personal safety, the two emissaries rejoined the main body of 
their associates, which continued on into Brunswick Town in search of 
Lobb. Behind, some 150 armed men were left to stand guard over 
Tryon's home. 45 

The Governor was, in effect, under house arrest. He angrily de- 
nounced the presence of the guard, but to no avail. He was told it 
was there because of the possibility that Captain Lobb might be inside. 

41 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 177. 

42 Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) , March 21, 1766, hereinafter cited as Virginia 

43 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168c-168d, 182. 

44 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168d, 174. 

45 Saunders, Colonial Records VII, 169, 178, 179. 

Days of Defiance 199 

Tryon refused to reveal whether Lobb was there or not and invited 
his unwanted guests to kick the door down and find out for them- 
selves. Obviously, he was tempting them to violence. The possibility 
of such an incident came to an end when word was received that Lobb 
was elsewhere. Most of the armed men hurried into Brunswick Town 
to join their cohorts. A few remained behind to maintain a watch 
over the Governor's house, but after a short while they left. 46 

Captain Lobb, it had been learned, was aboard his ship, the "Viper." 
Late on the same evening of February 19, a message was sent to him 
demanding that he come ashore to meet with the people assembled 
in the town. He refused, and the frustrated citizens broke into the 
home of William Dry and took the papers of the "Patience" and the 
"Ruby." The third vessel, the "Dobbs," had already been released 
upon the payment of surety. 47 The following morning a committee of 
the armed citizens went out to Lobb's ship, which was anchored in the 
river, and demanded that he surrender to them the two remaining 
vessels he had seized. He promised them an answer that afternoon. 48 

As soon as the citizens had departed, Lobb rushed a message to 
Tryon urging the Governor to meet with him immediately aboard the 
"Diligence," also anchored in the river off Brunswick. By noon Tryon 
was there with Lobb and several other Crown officers. Lobb explained 
to Tryon that the citizens committee had demanded possession of 
the two seized vessels. He was willing, he said, to release the "Ruby," 
because he was not satisfied that her retention was legal. There was 
no such doubt about the "Patience," however, and he was determined 
to hold her. To Tryon, Lobb's proposal seemed a reasonable one, and 
he approved it and returned to his home. Some hours later, he was 
shocked to learn that Lobb had instructed Dry to release both the 
"Patience" and the "Ruby." Lobb's change of heart probably was not 
unrelated to the increasing threat ashore. All during the day more and 
more armed men from the surrounding countryside had been arriving 
in Brunswick to join their fellow citizens. In the face of this growing 
danger, Lobb not only released both the vessels, but he also agreed 
that the port would be open, at least until the arrival of the surveyor 
general of customs. 49 

With the disputed vessels back in the hands of their owners, and 
with the port once more open to normal shipping, the Cape Fear 

49 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 170, 179. 

"Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 169, 170-171; Virginia Gazette, March 21, 1766. 
^Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 170; Virginia Gazette, March 21, 1766. 
^Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168d, 170-171; Virginia Gazette, March 21, 1766. 

200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

people might have gone home contented, but their work was not yet 
done. They had sworn to prevent the operation of the Stamp Act in 
any fashion. The most direct path to fulfillment would be to require 
the three officials involved with the law—the collector of customs, the 
naval officer, and the comptroller of customs—to swear they would not 
enforce it. The following day, February 21, the collector and the 
naval officer were brought in but the comptroller, William Pennington, 
was nowhere to be found. Soon afterward, however, it was learned 
that he was at the Governor's home, and Colonel James Moore 
delivered a message to Pennington, demanding him to appear before 
the citizens assembled in the nearby town. Moore was escorting the 
comptroller away from the house when Tryon sensed what was 
happening. He called them back and told Moore to inform his col- 
leagues that Pennington was busy with official matters and could not 
be permitted to leave. Moore left, and within five minutes the house 
was once more surrounded by armed men. Emboldened because 
Lobb had yielded, the people sent in a note to the Governor insisting 
that he permit the comptroller to come out. If Pennington did so 
peacefully, he would not be harmed; if he did not, his safety could 
not be assured. In Tryon the people had come face to face with a 
worthy opponent. Undaunted, he again replied that Pennington was 
engaged with official duties, and anyone who wished to see him 
would have to enter the house. 50 

Some time later, at about ten o'clock in the morning, a larger body 
of four to five hundred armed men moved toward the Governor's house 
and came to a stop within approximately 300 yards of it. A detachment 
of about sixty men, under Cornelius Harnett, then moved up the tree- 
fined avenue leading to the house and sent in a message requesting 
permission to speak to Pennington. Harnett was permitted to enter, 
and he informed the comptroller that the people were insistent that he 
join them. Tryon interrupted to make clear to Harnett that the 
comptroller would continue to receive the sanctuary of his home. 
Harnett replied that if Pennington did not go voluntarily, the people 
were determined to take him by force. Growing increasingly uneasy, 
Pennington suggested that it might be wise for him to go. Tryon 
finally agreed, but not until he had received Pennington's resignation 
as comptroller in order to avoid an indignity to a Crown officer. 51 

From the Governor's home the former comptroller was escorted to 
Brunswick Town. There he, along with the collector and the naval 

50 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168d-168e, 171-172. 
61 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168e, 172-173. 

Days of Defiance 201 

officer, were encircled by the armed citizens and required to swear 
they would never, directly or indirectly, issue stamped paper anywhere 
in North Carolina unless such action was the will of the people of the 
province. Then all the court clerks and lawyers present were required 
to take the same oath. With this ceremony, the people of the Lower 
Cape Fear had completed their business. They then dispersed and 
returned to their homes. 52 

In reporting the actions of the Cape Fear people in resisting the 
Stamp Act at Brunswick, a leading newspaper of the day observed: 

It is well worthy of observation that few instances can be produced 
of such a number of men being together so long, and behaving so well; 
not the least noise or disturbance, nor any person seen disguised with 
liquor, during the whole time of their stay at Brunswick; neither was 
there any injury offered to any person, but the whole affair conducted 
with decency and spirit, worthy the imitation of all the Sons of Liberty 
throughout the continent. 53 

The people of the Cape Fear had indeed acted with decency and 
spirit. They had also acted with courage and firmness. Their action 
was not the destructive violence of the irresponsible thugs who had 
swept through the streets of Boston. Neither was it the frivolous action 
of simple citizens who could gather on a Saturday night and, "dis- 
guised with liquor," mix political protest with merriment. No, the 
men of the Lower Cape Fear— North Carolinians all— who gathered 
in Brunswick on those February days in 1766 were sober and responsi- 
ble citizens, led by the most distinguished of the region. They were 
restrained in their conduct until it became obvious to them that they 
were the victims of injustice. Then they were willing to use whatever 
force the occasion demanded. They challenged British authority with 
force of arms, and before their unyielding determination, they had 
seen injustice quaver and fade away. Almost a decade later a body of 
men in Boston achieved more enduring fame by the willful destruction 
of tea. It is interesting to note that those men hid behind the anony- 
mity of disguise. Not so the men of the Cape Fear. They had stood 
face to face with British authority and had defied that authority until 
it yielded. Had the English rulers of the day been wise enough to have 
been guided by the actions of those North Carolinians who gathered 
at Brunswick, they might have saved an empire. But they were not 
that wise, and they lost the empire. 

62 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 168e, 172-173. 
68 Virginia Gazette, March 21, 1776. 

202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Stamp Act was repealed soon afterward, not because of the 
feeling of the colonists, but because the trading profits of English 
merchants had been hurt. Repeal brought the easing of tensions, but 
relief was only temporary. In subsequent years English officials were 
to take other measures that would eventually drive the American 
colonists into open revolt. 

By William S. Powell* 

Bibliography and Libraries 

Adams, Thomas Randolph. American independence: the growth of an 
idea ; a bibliographical study of the American political pamphlets printed 
between 1764 and 1776 dealing with the dispute between Great Britain 
and her colonies. Providence, Brown University Press, 1965. 200p. $8.00. 

Crabtree, Beth Gilbert. Guide to private manuscript collections in the 
North Carolina State Archives. Raleigh, State Department of Archives 
and History, 1964. 492p. $5.00. 

Lanier Library Association. The Lanier Library, 1890-1965: diamond 
jubilee. Tryon, Lanier Library Association, 1965. 128p. $2.00. 

Philosophy and Religion 

Abernethy, George L. Living wisdom from the world's religions. New 

York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. 237p. $4.95. 
Cleland, James T. Preaching to be understood. New York, Abingdon 

Press, 1965. 126p. $2.75. 
Duncan, Norvin C. Pictorial history of the Episcopal Church in North 

Carolina, 1701-1964. Asheville, Miller Printing Co., 1965. 154p. $8.00. 
Hendricks, Garland A. Saints and sinners at Jersey Settlement, the life 

story of Jersey Baptist Church. Thomasville, Charity and Children, 

1964. 203p. $2.50. 

Hipps, John Burder. History of the University of Shanghai. [No place], 

Board of Founders of the University of Shanghai, 1964. 240p. $2.50. 
Lacy, Mary Lou. Springboard to discovery. Richmond, John Knox Press, 

1965. 92p. $2.00. 

Smith, Minnie Jameson, editor. Records of the Moravians in North Caro- 
lina, Vol. IX. Raleigh, State Department of Archives and History, 1964. 
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Ware, Charles Crossfield. Star in Wachovia, centennial history of 
the Christian Church, Disciples of Christ, Pfafftown, N.C. Wilson, 
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Economics and Sociology 

Ball, Clyde Lowell, editor. North Carolina county legislation index, a 
complete listing of the local or special acts passed by the General Assem- 

1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published during the 
year ending June 30, 1965. 

* Mr. Powell is librarian of the North Carolina Collection, University of North 
Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

bly for each county, 1669-1961. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 

1964. 590p. $5.00. 
Coltrane, George A., editor. County government in North Carolina. 

Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1965. 446p. $3.00. 
Ehle, John Marsden. 2 The free men. New York, Harper & Row, 1965. 

340p. $5.95. 
Ferrell, Joseph S. Tort liability of North Carolina cities and towns for 

street defects. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1965. 54p. $1.00. 
Furtado, Donald A. Report on constitutional questions arising from a 

proposal to establish a system of administrative traffic tribunals. Chapel 

Hill, Institute of Government, 1964. 47p. Free. 
Hamilton, William Baskerville, editor. The transfer of institutions. 

Durham, Duke University Press, 1964. 312p. $8.00. 
Kreps, Juanita Morris. Taxation, spending, and the national debt. New 

York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. 64p. 88^. 
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world. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. 323p. $7.50. 
Lewis, Henry W. The property tax, an introduction for North Carolina 

mayors and councilmen. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1965. 

lOlp. Free. 
Special elections to establish county liquor control stores. 

Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1964. 69p. Free. 
Loeb, Ben F., Jr. ABC officers' guide to regulation of intoxicating liquors. 

Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1965. 52p. $1.00. 
Nash, Ethel Miller, editor. Marriage counseling in medical practice, 

edited by Ethel M. Nash, Lucie Jessner, and D. Wilfred Abse. Chapel 

Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1964. 368p. $8.00. 
Pace, Elizabeth. County salaries in North Carolina, a survey of salaries 

and personnel practices. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1964. 60p. 

Pomeroy, Kenneth Brownridge. North Carolina lands: ownership, use, 

and management of forest and related lands, by Kenneth B. Pomeroy 

and James G. Yoho. Washington, American Forestry Association [dis- 
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1964. 372p. $5.00. 
Porter, Earl W. Trinity and Duke, 1892-1924, foundations of Duke Uni- 
versity. Durham, Duke University Press, 1964. 274p. $7.50. 
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officials. Chapel Hill, Institute of Government, 1964. 289p. Free. 
Scott, Andrew MacKay, editor. Readings in the making of American 

foreign policy, by Andrew M. Scott and Raymond H. Dawson. New 

York, Macmillan, 1965. 551p. $7.95. 
Wiggins, Norman Andrew. Wills and administration of estates in North 

Carolina. Atlanta, Harrison Co., 1964. 2 vols. $40.00. 

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2 Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1965. 

North Carolina Bibliography 205 


Radford, Albert Ernest. Guide to the vascular flora of the Carolinas, 
with distribution in the Southeastern States, by Albert E. Radford, 
Harry E. Ahles, C. Ritchie Bell, and contributors. Chapel Hill, Book 
Exchange, 1964. 383p. $4.00. 

Stupka, Arthur. Trees, shrubs, and woody vines of Great Smoky Moun- 
tains National Park. Knoxville, University of Tennessee Press, 1964. 
186p. $2.75. 

Whittinghill, Maurice. Human genetics and its foundations. New York, 
Reinhold Publishing Corp., 1965. 431p. $8.95. 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Alexander, Thomas W. Project Apollo, man to the moon. New York, 
Harper & Row, 1964. 234p. $4.50. 

Garrison, Eudora. Eudora's cook book. Charlotte, Charlotte Observer, 
1965. 30p. 25^. 

Harris, Cora A. Cora Harris* garden guide for Charlotte and the Pied- 
mont area. Charlotte, News Publishing Co., 1965. 28p. 50^. 

Rogers, Mary Anne. Favorite recipes of the Carolinas. Montgomery, Ala., 
Favorite Recipes Press, 1964. 188p. $2.30. 

Fine Arts 

Carroll, Ruth Robinson. From the Appalachians, a portfolio of draw- 
ings and paintings. New York, H. Z. Walck, 1964. 12p. $3.50. 

Crawford, Jean. Jugtown pottery: history and design. Winston-Salem, 
John Fries Blair, 1964. 127p. $8.00. 

Lovelace, Austin Cole. The youth choir. New York, Abingdon Press, 
1964. 72p. $1.25. 

Rankin, Hugh Franklin. The theater in colonial America. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1965. 239p. $6.00. 


Ammons, Archie Randolph. Corsons Inlet. Ithaca, N. Y., Cornell Uni- 
versity Press, 1965. 64p. $3.95. 
Tape for the turn of the year. Ithaca, N. Y., Cornell University 

Press, 1965. 205p. $4.95. 
Bird, William Ernest. Level paths, new songs by the layman. Asheville, 

Biltmore Press, 1964. 60p. $2.85. 
Houpe, Don W. Listen once to me. Chapel Hill, Colonial Press, 1964. 18p. 

Jarrell, Randall. 3 The lost world. New York, Macmillan, 1965. 69p. 

Selected poems, including The woman at the Washington Zoo. 

New York, Atheneum, 1964. 205, 65p. $2.75. 
Johnson, Carol Holmes. Figure for scamander, and others. Denver, A. 

Swallow, 1964. 44p. $2.00. 

Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Award for poetry, 1965. 

206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

McGirt, William Archibald. 108 verges unto now, by Will Inman 

[pseud.]. New York, Carlton Press, 1964. [65] p. $2.00. 
Newton, David Zero. Lingering moments. Shelby, [Author?], 1964. 70p. 
North Carolina Poetry Society. Award winning poems, 1964-1965. 

Stanley, North Carolina Poetry Society, 1965. 29p. $1.00. 
Ragan, Samuel Talmadge. The tree in the far pasture. Winston-Salem, 

John Fries Blair, 1964. 54p. $3.00. 
Walker, James Robert. Speak nature. New York, Carlton Press, 1965. 

122p. $2.75. 
Walton, Beulah Earle. Thoughts, trivial and solid. [Morrisville, 

Author?], 1964. 71p. $3.00. 


Green, Paul. The sheltering plaid. New York, Samuel French, 1965. 49p. 

Fiction 41 

Barnes, Sam G. Ready, wrestle ! New York, Ariel Books, 1965. 171p. $3.25. 
Betts, Doris. 5 The scarlet thread. New York, Harper & Row, 1964. 405p. 

Bothwell, Jean. Lady of Roanoke. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Wins- 
ton, 1965. 254p. $3.95. 
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[46] p. $2.50. 
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Gerson, Noel Bertram. Roanoke warrior, by Carter A. Vaughan [pseud.'] . 

Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1965. 251p. $4.50. 
The slender reed, a biographical novel of James Knox Polk, 

eleventh President of the United States. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1965. 394p. $5.95. 
Haas, Ben. Look away, look away. New York, Simon and Schuster, 

1964. 509p. $5.95. 
Hanes, Frank Borden. Jackknife John. San Antonio, Texas, Naylor, 

1964. 265p. $5.95. 

Hoffmann, Margaret Jones. Shift to high! by Peggy Hoffmann. Phil- 
adelphia, Westminster Press, 1965. 192p. $3.50. 

Jensen, Henry W. The little seeds of Christmas, and other stories. 
Swannanoa, International Relations Club, Warren Wilson College, 1964. 

Key, Alexander. 6 The forgotten door. Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 

1965. 126p. $3.50. 

* By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 
5 Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1965. 
"Winner of the AAUW Award for juvenile literature, 1965. 

North Carolina Bibliography 207 

Kimball, Gwen, [pseud.~\ The puzzle of Roanoke, the lost colony. New 

York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1964. 136p. $3.50. 
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1964. [35] p. $3.25. 

Marshall, Edison. The lost colony. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1964. 

438p. $5.95. 
Miller, Heather Ross. The edge of the woods. New York, Atheneum, 

1964. 118p. $3.50. 
Noyes, Kathryn Johnson. Jacob's ladder. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 

1965. 377p. $5.00. 

Owen, Guy. The ballad of the Flim-Flam Man. New York, Macmillan, 

1965. 277p. $4.95. 
Powell, Talmage. The girl from Big Pine. Derby, Conn., Monarch Books, 

1964. 143p. 50f 
Scheer, Julian. Rain makes applesauce, by Julian Scheer and Marvin 

Bileck. New York, Holiday House, 1964. unpaged. $4.95. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. The purple quest, a novel of seafaring adventure 

in the ancient world. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1965. 301p. $4.95. 
Stahl, Ben. Blackbeard's ghost. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1965. 184p. 

Steele, William O. The no-name man of the mountain. New York, Har- 

court, Brace & World, 1964. 79p. $2.95. 
Tooze, Ruth. Nikkos and the pink pelican. New York, Viking Press, 

1964. 64p. $2.75. 
Tyler, Anne. If morning ever comes. New York, Knopf, 1964. 265p. $4.95. 
Wellman, Manly Wade. The great riverboat race, a tale of the Natchez 

and the Robert E. Lee. New York, I. Washburn, 1965. 180p. $3.75. 
The master of Scare Hollow. New York, I. Washburn, 1964. 

176p. $3.75. 
West, John Foster. Time was. New York, Random House, 1965. 307p. 



Cunningham, Caroline. Jones record. Salisbury, Rowan Printing Co., 
1964, 1965. 2 vols. $12.50; $15.00. 

Efird, Oscar Ogburn. The history and genealogy of the Efird family. 
Winston-Salem, Winston Printing Co., 1964. 556p. $10.00. 

Fowlkes, Bernice Graham. A Graham genealogy. Conway, Ark., 
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Gammon, William Jefferson. Old Gammon families and their descend- 
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History and Travel 

Arnett, Ethel Stephens. From England to North Carolina, two special 
gifts. New Bern, Tryon Palace Restoration, 1964. 93p. $2.00. 

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208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Boyden, Lucile Kirby. The village of five lives: the Fontana of the 
Great Smoky Mountains. Fontana Dam, Government Services, 1964. 
72p. $1.15. 

Carpenter, John Allan. North Carolina, from its glorious past to the 
present. Chicago, Childrens Press, 1965. 93p. $3.50. 

Cooper, Horton. History of Avery County, North Carolina. Asheville, 
Biltmore Press, 1964. lOOp. $5.20. 

Craven, Wesley Frank. New Jersey and the English colonization of 
North America. Princeton, N. J., Van Nostrand, 1964. 114p. $3.95. 

Iobst, Richard William. The Bloody Sixth, the Sixth North Carolina 
Regiment, Confederate States of America. History by Richard W. 
Iobst ; roster by Louis H. Manarin. With a narrative on the reactivated 
regiment by Wade Lucas. [Raleigh, Confederate Centennial Commis- 
sion, 1965]. 493p. $5.00. 

Johnson, Frank Roy. Tales from old Carolina. Traditional and histor- 
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Great Dismal Swamps. Murfreesboro, Johnson Publishing Co., 1965. 
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Lacy, Dan Mabry. The meaning of the American Revolution. New York, 
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Lee, Enoch Lawrence. The Lower Cape Fear in colonial days. Chapel 
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Mathis, Harry R. Along the border, a history of Virgilina, Virginia, 
and the surrounding area in Halifax and Mecklenburg Counties in 
Virginia, and Person and Granville Counties in North Carolina. Oxford, 
Coble Press, 1964. 344p. $5.50. 

Parramore, Thomas C. Before the Rebel flag fell, five viewpoints of the 
Civil War. Collected and edited by Thomas C. Parramore, F. Roy John- 
son, and E. Frank Stephenson, Jr. Murfreesboro, Johnson Publishing 
Co., 1965. 132p. $3.00. 

Powell, William Stevens. North Carolina, a students' guide to localized 
history. New York, Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia 
University, 1965. 35p. 75^. 

Quinn, David Beers. The new found land, the English contributions to 
the discovery of North America. Providence, R. I., Associates of the 
John Carter Brown Library, 1965. 45p. $3.00. 

Ramsey, Robert Wayne. Carolina cradle, settlement of the northwest 
Carolina frontier, 1747-1762. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1964. 251p. $6.00. 

Rupen, Robert Arthur. Mongols of the twentieth century. Bloomington, 
Indiana University Press, 1964. 2 vols. $5.00. 

Stick, David. The Cape Hatteras seashore. Photography: Bruce Roberts. 
Charlotte, McNally and Loftin, 1964. 58p. $3.95. 

Tindall, George Brown, editor. The pursuit of Southern history, presi- 
dential addresses of the Southern Historical Association, 1935-1963. 
Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1964. 541p. $8.50. 

North Carolina Bibliography 209 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama or Fiction 

Goethals, Thomas R. A critical commentary: You can't go home again. 

New York, American R. D. M. Corp., 1964. 56p. $1.00. 
Golden, Harry Lewis. So what else is new? New York, Putnam, 1964. 

312p. $4.95. 
Linker, Robert White, editor. Contes de plusieurs siecles, edited by 

Robert White Linker and George Bernard Daniel. New York, Odyssey 

Press, 1964. 205p. $2.25. 
O'Neal, Forest Hodge, editor. Humor, the politician's tool, favorite 

stories of Congressmen and other officials. Collected and edited by F. 

Hodge O'Neal and Annie Laurie O'Neal. New York, Vantage Press, 

1964. 210p. $3.95. 
Williams, Jonathan. Lines about hills above lakes. Fort Lauderdale, 

Florida, Roman Books, 1964. 27p. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Betz, Eva Kelly. William Gaston, fighter for justice. New York, P. J. 

Kenedy, 1964. 190p. $2.50. 
Bevington, Helen Smith. Charley Smith's girl, a memoir. New York, 

Simon and Schuster, 1965. 255p. $4.95. 
Coit, Margaret L. Andrew Jackson. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1965. 

154p. $3.00. 
Crowder, Richard. Carl Sandburg. New York. Twayne Publishers, 1964. 

176p. $3.50. 
Cunningham, William. The story of Daniel Boone. New York, Scholas- 
tic Book Services, 1965. 159p. 45f 
Current-Garcia, Eugene. O. Henry (William Sydney Porter). New York, 

Twayne Publishers, 1965. 192p. $3.50. 
Daniels, Jonathan Worth. They will be heard, America's crusading 

newspaper editors. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1965. 336p. $6.50. 
Ellis, John Willis. Papers, edited by Noble J. Tolbert. Raleigh, State 

Department of Archives and History, 1965. 2 vols. $10.00. 
Foster, G. Allen. Impeached, the President who almost lost his job. 

New York, Criterion Books, 1964. 175p. $3.95. 
Hickerson, Thomas Felix. The Falkner feuds, the fatal feuds of W. C. 

Falkner. Chapel Hill, Colonial Press, 1964. 32p. $1.00. 
Hoyt, Edwin Palmer. Andrew Johnson. Chicago, Reilly & Lee, 1965. 

145p. $3.95. 
Hunter, Kay. Duet for a lifetime, the story of the original Siamese twins. 

New York, Coward-McCann, 1964. 126p. $4.00. 
Kelley, Carrye Hill. Profiles of five administrators. Greensboro, Agri- 
cultural and Technical College of North Carolina, 1964. 53p. $1.00. 
Link, Arthur Stanley. Wilson, Confusions and Crises, 1915-1916. 

Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1964. 386p. $8.50. 
McCormac, Eugene Irving. James K. Polk, a political biography. New 

York, Russell & Russell, 1965. 746p. $12.50. 

210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

McElderry, Bruce Robert. Thomas Wolfe. New York, Twayne Pub- 
lishers, 1964. 207p. $3.50. 

McGee, Bluford Bartlett. The country youth, autobiography of B. B. 
McGee. North Wilkesboro, Pearson Publishing Co., 1964. 91p. $1.00. 

Marsh, Ruby Kenan. Keepers of memories. Asheboro, Tydings Press, 
1965. 256p. $3.50. 

Olsen, Otto H. Carpetbagger's crusade, the life of Albion Winegar 
Tourgee. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1965. 395p. $7.50. 

Ragan, Samuel Talmadge, editor. The new day. Zebulon, Record Pub- 
lishing Co., 1964. 141p. $1.00. 

Shuman, Robert Baird. Robert E. Sherwood. New York, Twayne Pub- 
lishers, 1964. 160p. $3.50. 

Wicker, Tom. Kennedy without tears, the man beneath the myth. New 
York, Morrow, 1964. 61p. $2.50. 

New Editions and Reprints 

Chapin, Francis Stuart. Urban land use planning. Urbana, University 

of Illinois Press, 1965. 498p. $7.95. 
Craven, Wesley Frank. Dissolution of the Virginia Company, the failure 

of a colonial experiment. Gloucester, Mass., Peter Smith, 1964. 350p. 

Creecy, Richard Benbury. Grandfather's tales of North Carolina his- 
tory. Spartanburg, S. C, The Reprint Co., 1965. 301p. $12.50. 
Davis, Burke. Marine! The life of Lt. Gen. Lewis B. (Chesty) Puller, 

USMC (ret.). New York, Bantam Books, 1964. 369p. 75^. 
Dillard, Richard. The Civil War in Chowan County, North Carolina. 

Tyner, Library Club of Chowan High School, 1965. 30p. 
Dodd, William Edward. Lincoln or Lee, comparison and contrasts of the 

two greatest leaders in the War Between the States. Gloucester, Mass., 

Peter Smith, 1964. 177p. $3.25. 
Dodson, Richard S. Dr. Clyde Fisher's Exploring the heavens, revised, 

enlarged, and brought up to date by R. S. Dodson, Jr. New York, T. Y. 

Crowell Co., 1964. 214p. $4.95. 
Eaton, William Clement. The freedom-of -thought struggle in the Old 

South. New York, Harper & Row, 1964. 418p. $2.95. 
A history of the Southern Confederacy. New York, The Free 

Press, 1965. 349p. $2.45. 
Ehle, John. Lion on the hearth. New York, Dell Publishing Co., 1965. 

381p. 75^. 
Foote, William Henry. Sketches of North Carolina. [Dunn, Synod of 

North Carolina, Presbyterian Church in the United States, 1965.] 593p. 

Green, Fletcher M., editor. Memorials of a Southern planter. New York, 

Knopf, 1965. 336p. $6.95. 
Gross, Theodore L. Albion W. Tourgee. New York, Twayne Publishers, 

[1964]. 176p. $1.95. 
Hamilton, Joseph Gregoire de Roulhac. Reconstruction in North Caro- 
lina. Gloucester, Mass., Peter Smith, 1964. 683p. $10.00. 

North Carolina Bibliography 211 

Jones, Houston Gwynne, editor. North Carolina newspapers on micro- 
film, a checklist of early North Carolina newspapers available on micro- 
film from the State Department of Archives and History, edited by 
H. G. Jones and Julius H. Avant. Raleigh, State Department of Archives 
and History, 1965. 96p. $1.00. 

Lasley, John Wayne. The war system and you. Chapel Hill, Institute for 
International Studies, 1965. 262p. $1.95. 

Morland, John Kenneth. Millways of Kent. New Haven, Conn., College 
& University Press, 1964. 291p. $2.75. 

O'Connell, Jeremiah Joseph. Catholicity in the Carolinas and Georgia : 
leaves of its history. Westminster, Md., Ars Sacra, 1964. 647p. $15.00. 

Proudfoot, Merrill. Diary of a sit-in. New Haven, Conn., College & 
University Press, 1964. 204p. $1.95. 

Rankin, Hugh Franklin. The American Revolution. New York, Capri- 
corn Books, 1965. 382p. $1.95. 

Ruark, Robert Chester. Horn of the hunter. Greenwich, Conn., Fawcett 
Publications, 1964. 240p. 75^. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. A touch of glory. New York, Pocket Books, 
1964. 394p. 50f 

Smith, Betty. Joy in the morning. New York, Bantam Books, 1964. 250p. 

Sobol, Donald J. The Wright brothers at Kitty Hawk. New York, Scholas- 
tic Book Services, 1964. 128p. 35f 

Stallings, Laurence. The Doughboys, the story of the AEF, 1917-1918. 
New York, Popular Library, 1964. 479p. 95f 

Tucker, Glenn. High tide at Gettysburg, the campaign in Pennsylvania. 
Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1964. 462p. $2.50. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. Who fears the devil? New York, Ballantine 
Books, 1964. 186p. 50f 

Wheeler, John Hill. Historical sketches of North Carolina from 1574 
to 1851. Baltimore, Regional Publishing Co., 1964. 2 vols, in 1. $10.00. 

White, Newman Ivey. American Negro folk-songs. Hatboro, Pa., Folklore 
Associates, 1965. 501p. $10.00. 

Wolfe, Thomas. The lost boy. With a note on Thomas Wolfe by Edward 
C. Aswell. New York, Harper & Row, 1965. 247p. 75f 


The Cape Fear. By Malcolm Ross. (New York, Chicago, San Francisco: 
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. Maps, bibliography, index. 
Pp. 340. $7.00.) 

The Cape Fear is the only river whose entire length, from its sources 
in the Piedmont above Greensboro to the mouth below Wilmington, 
lies in the state of North Carolina. Its story is thus peculiarly a North 
Carolina story, and the author of this latest volume in the Rivers of 
America series has done it eminent justice. 

Half of this volume is devoted to the period before 1800. Early 
explorations and settlements are discussed in vivid detail and bear 
out the cited observation of George Macaulay Trevelyan that "The 
physical formation of a country is the key to the history of its early 
settlement." Of the many English, Moravian, Quaker, Scotch-Irish, 
and Scottish enclaves whose beginnings are here recorded, the account 
of Orton Plantation is made to represent much of the character and 
history of the Lower Cape Fear. From the days of King Roger Moore 
to the present, its style and the experiences of its inhabitants have been 
more or less typical of time and region. In similar fashion, the dis- 
satisfactions and confrontations which preceded the Revolutionary 
War are made by Ross to reveal much of the character of the people 
who were residents of the Cape Fear country. If his close examination 
of this Colonial period and participation in the war seems dispropor- 
tionate, perhaps the personal reasons behind it are given in the 
author's statement on page 70: "The professors I listened to at a 
New England college (the same Yale that Edmund Fanning and 
Nathan Hale attended) left me with the impression that resistance to 
the Stamp Act began in Boston and extended as far south as Philadel- 
phia. Sam Adams and Benjamin Franklin were the bellwethers; even- 
tually the South tagged along. This needs rereading. That the first 
armed resistance to the Stamp Act happened on the Cape Fear was 
no accident." Ross does this resistance full justice. 

The characters familiar to all North Carolinians are here, from 
Flora Macdonald to the Regulators and the Tory governors— and fol- 
lowing the Revolution here are also many of the persistent Carolina 

Book Reviews 213 

problems, including roads. The first United States census in 1790 re- 
ported North Carolina to be the fourth most populous state in the new 
union, which also "had the worst transportation system and ipso facto 
was the poorest state in the Union." Similarities between past and 
present are evident in accounts of the building of the plank roads 
in the early 1800's. "Land values rose along the plank routes." Fore- 
runners of today's interstates? 

There are places in this narrative where the author depends too 
heavily on lists or brief isolated accounts of how separate towns came 
into being, rather than incorporating this material into the natural 
flow of his chronicle. This is a matter of style rather than content, 
however, and one would not wish any of the anecdotes, folk tales, or 
historical accounts omitted from this careful and affectionate portrait 
of the river. 

The author, who for many years was head of the University of Mi- 
ami Press and who had served the government in several important 
positions and published a wide variety of books, died in May, 1965, 
before the publication of his Cape Fear. It is fortunate that he com- 
pleted this readable, accurate, and valuable volume. 

Wilma Dykeman 
Newport, Tennessee 

A New Geography of North Carolina, Volume IV. By Bill Sharpe. (Ra- 
leigh: Sharpe Publishing Company, c. 1965. Illustrations, index. Pp. 
viii, 1681-2277. $7.50.) 

In his final volume of A New Geography of North Carolina, Mr. 
Sharpe has continued his service to the people of North Carolina by 
providing a variety of material on North Carolina counties. Containing 
information on twenty-eight counties from Alexander and Alleghany 
to Camden and Perquimans, all sections of the state are represented. 
As was true of the first three volumes, the material was originally 
published in the State. 

Mr. Sharpe does not claim to be presenting a scholarly account of 
historical events, geographical features, and over-all development of 
the counties he writes about; rather, he tells the reader what he knows 
about the history, the educational institutions, the agricultural prod- 
ucts, the industries, the communities and cities and towns, and the 
people. Anecdotes and unusual bits of information will appeal to those 

214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

who appreciate human interest stories and who like the rare. Tales 
about characters such as Aunt Abby House in Franklin County, a 
woman who worked tirelessly to keep her nephew Marcellus (who was 
"somewhat of a moron in his mental make-up'') on an extended fur- 
lough during the Civil War while she herself rendered real service 
nursing the wounded; the story and picture of the printing presses 
imbedded in a tree near Danbury in Stokes County; and the fact 
that Roduco in Gates County was named for the Roberts Drug Com- 
pany may not in themselves be particularly significant. These ex- 
amples show, however, that A New Geography of North Carolina is 
a fascinating book to read as well as being a valuable reference work. 

Illustrations of people, scenery, buildings, events, and institutions 
add to the value of the book. The statement in the Preface to the 
effect that the entire work is "a four-volume description of North 
Carolina's 100 counties" is apt. It is unfortunate that Volumes II and 
III are out of print; plans to publish facsimile editions of these two 
volumes will be carried out if the demand seems sufficient. 

Tar Heels and those interested in North Carolina, particularly stu- 
dents and teachers, are indebted to Mr. Sharpe for completing the 
task he set for himself when he began his study of the counties in 1951. 
A New Geography of North Carolina will be a valuable reference 
work for years to come. 

Memory F. Mitchell 

State Department of Archives and History 

The General to His Lady: The Civil War Letters of William Dorsey 
Pender to Fanny Pender. Edited with an introduction by William W. 
Hassler. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965. 
Notes, illustrations, appendix, index. Pp. xiii, 271. $6.00.) 

William Dorsey Pender, the youthful West Point graduate from 
Edgecombe County, dropped his allegiance to the Union before his 
native North Carolina seceded. From his graduation as second lieu- 
tenant in 1854 to his death nine years later as a twenty-nine-year-old 
major general in the Army of Northern Virginia, he established a dis- 
tinguished military record, noted for strict, impartial discipline and 
unflinching bravery that brought attention and admiration from 
President Davis, General Lee, and the rank and file. 

The prolific correspondence with his wife began on March 4, 1861, 
the day of Lincoln's inauguration. From High Point he penned a note 

Book Reviews 215 

to Fanny as he was en route to Montgomery where he put on a gray 
captain's uniform. Until his final letter, written near Gettysburg on 
June 28, 1863, Pender freely documented his views on the problems 
of command, relationships with his fellow officers, and his longings 
for his home and family. 

His bold and successful maneuver at Seven Pines as colonel of the 
Sixth North Carolina was witnessed by Davis who promoted the 
young officer to brigadier general on the field of battle. 

The successful repulse of the Federals before Richmond turned 
Lee's army northward for the Maryland Campaign of 1862. On the 
way, General Pender found time to write Fanny: "I am tired of glory 
and all of its shadows for it has no substance. We work, struggle, 
make enemies, climb up in rank and what is the result—nothing. It 
is very much like gambling, money is won but soon spent and nothing 
left behind." 

Having been wounded several times previously, he discounted the 
mortal hurt at Gettysburg in the midafternoon of July 2. Removed to 
southern soil at Staunton to convalesce, he relapsed and died on July 
18. He was buried in Tarboro. Fanny, a twenty-three-year-old widow, 
was pregnant with their third son. She never remarried, lived until 
1922, and was buried beside her noted husband. 

The letters, unexpectedly discovered in 1939 in an old family trunk 
by Pender's grandson, are deposited in the Southern Historical Col- 
lection of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. They are 
a valuable contribution to the history of the period. In his good edi- 
torial work, Dr. Hassler, dean of the School of Liberal Arts, Indiana 
State College, Indiana, Pennsylvania, has helpfully paragraphed the 
letters, inserted punctuation and capitalization, and corrected con- 
fusing misspellings. The interesting notes reflect his knowledge of 
Civil War history and help make the book quite readable. 

T. Harry Gatton 

Landmarks of Tennessee History. Edited by William T. Alderson and 
Robert M. McBride. (Nashville: Tennessee Historical Commission, 
1965. Introduction, illustrations. Pp. x, 321. $4.00.) 

This volume is a compilation of articles published previously in the 
Tennessee Historical Quarterly about fifteen of Tennessee's most 
important historic sites. 

216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In the Preface, Mr. Alderson, editor of the Quarterly, explains that 
in 1960 the idea was conceived and adopted of publishing in each 
issue an illustrated article dealing with a Tennessee landmark; the 
cover of each issue was to be an original artwork of that site. The 
articles, of specific length, were to be written in a popular style, re- 
printed for distribution at the historic sites, and later published in 
book form. The present volume is the first to appear, and a second is 
planned for the future. 

Each article gives a brief history of the landmark, its acquisition 
and development, and information to enhance a visit to the site. One 
might think a volume of fifteen standardized articles would become 
tiresome and repetitious, but this one does not. The authors follow 
the specifications, but their articles achieve individuality and give 
variety to the book. Biographical sketches of the editors and writers 
are in a section at the end of the volume; it is an impressive list of 
authorities in the various fields of history, archaeology, and curatorial 

This whole project— first the articles, then the book of— describing 
and publicizing historic sites in a classical journal of history and in 
the book program of a state historical society might well be emulated 
by many other states. 

W. S. Tarlton 
State Department of Archives and History 

Old Petersburg and the Broad River Valley of Georgia. By Ellis Merton 
Coulter (Athens : University of Georgia Press, 1965. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, index. Pp. viii, 228. $6.00.) 

The town of Petersburg in the Broad River Valley was planned by 
James Wright, the last of Georgia's royal governors, on land ceded 
by the Creek and Cherokee Indians in 1773. Before the American 
Revolution settlers from North and South Carolina drifted into the 
Broad River Valley, and after the Revolution pioneers poured down 
from Virginia. In 1777 Georgia's first constitution established this 
area as Wilkes County. In 1790 Wilkes was divided into four counties, 
one of which was Elbert. The town of Petersburg was founded in 
Elbert County by Dionysius Oliver, who was authorized by the legis- 
lature to establish a tobacco warehouse there. 

Geography was an important factor in the town's development. 
Strategically located at the forks of the Savannah and Broad rivers, 

Book Reviews 217 

Petersburg became an important tobacco inspection center. Further- 
more, its location made the town the most active trading area north 
of Augusta. Customers appeared from up the Broad River and across 
the Savannah River in South Carolina. Petersburg merchants acted 
as factors for planters in the vicinity. The town's greatest growth came 
around 1800. More cosmopolitan than the rest of the Broad River 
Valley, it attracted settlers from as far north as New England. 

Petersburg and the Broad River Valley enjoyed an influence in 
state and national politics that was greater than warranted by their 
size. For several years the Broad River Valley furnished both United 
States senators, and from 1813 to 1816 the two senators came from 

During its boom years religion and culture flourished in the town. 
Bishop Francis Asbury made frequent visits there in the interests of 
Methodism, and Baptists and Presbyterians were active. Schools 
existed in and near Petersburg, the most noted being that established 
by Moses Waddell just across the Savannah River from Petersburg. 

By the late 1830's Petersburg was falling into decay. The town lost 
settlers to the rapidly growing West; Petersburg was not a suitable rail- 
road site; it was no longer needed as a tobacco inspection center; 
and dampness and stagnant water were conducive to disease. 

Old Petersburg and the Broad River Valley of Georgia is a work 
of considerable detail. Two chapters are devoted almost entirely to 
genealogy. At times the book appears encyclopedic and would have 
benefited from more generalization on the author's part, but the study 
is a substantial contribution to Georgia history. In his narrative ac- 
count the author does not shrink from interpretations. Professor Coul- 
ter succeeds in his objective of recapturing the atmosphere of the 
period. Especially does the reader get a vivid impression of the west- 
ward movement during the early years of the nineteenth century. 

Lala Carr Steelman 
East Carolina College 

The New World: The First Pictures of America Made by John White 
and Jacques le Moyne and Engraved by Theodore de Bry with Con- 
temporary Narratives of the French Settlements in Florida, 1562- 
1565, and the English Colonies in Virginia, 1585-1590. Edited and an- 
notated by Stefan Lorant. (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1965. 
Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliographies, index. Pp. 292. $20.00.) 

This attractive book is a "new revised edition" of a work which 
first appeared in 1946. The original publication was the subject of 

218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

much favorable comment from distinguished historians. Two, how- 
ever, Professor Julian Boyd of Princeton in the American Historical 
Review and Professor Samuel Eliot Morison of Harvard in the Wil- 
liam and Mary Quarterly, were quite critical of the methods and 
criteria employed by the editor in putting together his handsome 
opus. The present volume in format and content resembles the 1946 
edition though there are no doubt points of variation. 

This book contains reproductions of contemporary engravings and 
paintings of the people, fauna, and flora which the French found in 
Florida and the English found in the Lost Colony area in the sixteenth 
century. Included are the Theodore de Bry engravings based on the 
paintings of the French Jacques le Moyne (and an exquisite colored 
print of the only surviving Le Moyne painting), reproductions of the 
John White water colors, and the engravings of De Bry and Gysbert 
van Veen based on the White water colors. Accompanying these illus- 
trations are the original accounts (usually paraphrased into modern 
English) of Le Moyne, Nicholas Challeux, Captain Arthur Barlowe, 
Ralph Lane, and other eyewitnesses. Illuminating the whole are the 
full notes of the distinguished editor. Interspersed are handsome por- 
traits of Europeans who were especially interested in early French and 
English exploring and colonizing activities. In this connection especial 
note ought to be made of a gorgeous picture of Queen Elizabeth, the 
"great Weronaca of England/' All in all, this is a volume over which 
historians, anthropologists, artists, and biologists will pore and argue, 
though some will find fault with one aspect or another. 

An examination and discussion of the contents of this book will 
inevitably call to mind the deluxe and limited edition of The Ameri- 
can Drawings of John White published jointly by the British Museum 
and the University of North Carolina Press in 1964, already out of 
print in the United States despite the $225 list price for the set. The 
lack of competence of this reviewer and the limitations of space pre- 
clude an authoritative comparison. Such a comparison, if made, would 
be similar to that of a Lincoln Continental with a Rambler American. 
The admitted elegance and precision of the first named car would not 
deny the usefulness and popularity of the second. 

Cecil Johnson 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

Book Reviews 219 

The Diary of Colonel London Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752-1778. Edited 
with an introduction by Jack P. Greene. (Charlottesville: University- 
Press of Virginia, for the Virginia Historical Society, 1965. Illustra- 
tions, notes, index. Volume I, xi, 586; Volume II, 618. $25.00.) 

Brief excerpts from the Landon Carter diary were previously pub- 
lished by Lyon G. Tyler in the William and Mary College Historical 
Magazine between 1904 and 1913. But Tyler's work, filled with in- 
accuracies, dealt mainly with the revolutionary controversy from 
1774 to 1776. In contrast, Professor Greene's volumes, a hallmark of 
splendid editing, omit nothing; the full diary, plus Carter's private 
minutes of the sessions of the House of Burgesses for 1752-1755, 
his farm record book for 1756-1758, and his daybooks for 1763-1764 
and 1766-1767 are included. 

If the diary offers few surprises, it nonetheless adds additional de- 
tails to the composite picture of the great Virginia plantation aristo- 
cracy of the eighteenth century. A diary of its size and scope, bulging 
as it is with information on agriculture, slavery, medical practice, 
scientific endeavor, social life, and politics, invites comparison with 
the famous diary of William Byrd II of Westover. In some ways they 
are remarkably alike, especially in dispelling the notion of a planter 
group forever gay and carefree, idling away time while overseers, 
servants, and slaves kept things moving. Carter, like Byrd, was a dili- 
gent, hard-working man active in political affairs; few details of planta- 
tion life escaped his keen surveillance. In fact, scholars will likely get 
a more detailed account of agricultural pursuits from Carter, although 
Byrd's entries are more spicy and intimate, and thus Byrd will remain 
more inviting to the general reader. 

Carter might well have entered his twilight years with a feeling 
of satisfaction. The father of a large brood, he had provided well 
for his family, built upon his own inheritance from his father, Robert 
"King" Carter, gained membership in the American Philosophical 
Society, served many years in the House of Burgesses, and (as Greene 
observes) "was almost certainly the most prolific and most published 
author of his generation in Virginia and perhaps in any of the colonies 
south of Pennsylvania." Yet Carter felt his life had been a disappoint- 
ment; he had failed to achieve sufficient recognition for his accomplish- 
ments, and his sons seemed more interested in a life of ease and sensu- 
ous pleasure than in his own world of community service. 

A sensitive, introspective man, Carter would never have found 
contentment regardless of what laurels came his way. As demanding 

220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of himself as he was of others, he sought perfection, though realizing 
its illusive nature. Possibly, as Professor Greene suggests in a thought- 
ful character sketch, it is only now through the publication of his 
diary that Landon Carter secures the attention he sought unsuccess- 
fully in life. 

Historians of North Carolina's Colonial period can merely look 
with envy upon the various diaries and similar fare available to stu- 
dents of the Old Dominion's ruling circle. A diary or so by a Harvey, 
an Ashe, a Moore, or a Johnston would greatly help in formulating 
generalizations about the configuration of politics and culture in the 
Tar Heel province. 

Don Higginbotham 

Louisiana State University 

Essays in Southern Biography. (Greenville: East Carolina College [Vol- 
ume II of East Carolina College Publications in History], 1965. Pp. vii, 
166. $2.50.) 

Essays in Southern Biography is the second volume in a promising 
series courageously launched by the Department of History at East 
Carolina College in 1964 as a medium of publication for the members 
of the department and its students. 

The new volume contains eight articles, as follows: Herbert R. 
Paschal, "Charles Griffin: Schoolmaster to the Southern Frontier"; 
John C. Ellen, Jr., "Richard Yeadon, Charleston Unionist- Whig Editor 
and Opponent of Nullification, 1832-1844"; Alvin A. Fahrner, "Wil- 
liam 'Extra Billy' Smith, Democratic Governor of Viriginia, 1846- 
1849"; Hubert A. Coleman, "Civil War Correspondence of Private 
Henry Tucker"; Joseph F. Steelman, "Daniel Reaves Goodloe: A Per- 
plexed Abolitionist During Reconstruction"; Lala Carr Steelman, "Sena- 
tor Augustus O. Bacon, Champion of Philippine Independence"; 
Howard B. Clay, "Daniel Augustus Tompkins and Industrial Revival 
in the South"; and Henry C. Ferrell, Jr., "The Role of Virginia Demo- 
cratic Party Factionalism in the Rise of Henry Flood Byrd, 1917- 

Three of the subjects of these biographical articles are of special 
interest to North Carolinians. Charles Griffin, for example, was the 
first known schoolteacher in North Carolina. He was sufficiently 
talented to overcome a record of having been fired from one position- 
in part, at least, for having "fallen into the sin of fornication"— and 

Book Reviews 221 

to build a career as a professor at the College of William and Mary 
and as a southern pioneer in the education of Indians. 

Daniel Reaves Goodloe and Daniel Augustus Tompkins are familiar 
figures in North Carolina history. Goodloe achieved eminence as the 
abolitionist who after the Civil War initially favored, and then re- 
pudiated, Reconstruction policy as he watched its implementation 
in North Carolina. Tompkins, who was born in South Carolina, in 
1883 picked Charlotte as the site for the business headquarters through 
which he ultimately engaged in sales, construction, manufacturing, 
and newspaper publishing. 

The editorial problem inherent in issuing a series such as the 
East Carolina Publications in History is a major one. Essays in South- 
ern Biography, although it contains some excellent articles, does not 
on the whole meet the high standards established by Essays in 
American History. This failure may be attributable to the difficulty of 
fixing editorial responsibility. Colleagues in the same department are 
understandably reluctant to judge each other's work. Perhaps final 
editorial authority will eventually have to devolve on one tough- 
minded, thick-skinned, self-sacrificing individual who will struggle 
with each manuscript and accept nothing that lacks sufficient scholarly 
depth or that is not fully ready for publication. 

Despite the lack of consistently careful editing, however, the pub- 
lication of Essays in Southern Biography, only a year after the ap- 
pearance of the initial volume in the series, is a considerable achieve- 
ment for a single department of history. Furthermore, it is an encourag- 
ing sign that the series will surmount the difficulties encountered by 
any new serial publication and will serve as a continuing new medium 
of historical scholarship, and a notable example for other institutions. 

Oliver H. Orr, Jr. 
Library of Congress 

Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Morality, 1780-1845. 
By Donald G. Mathews. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965. 
Notes, appendix, bibliography, index. Pp. xli, 329. $7.50.) 

Formed in the Revolutionary era, the Methodist Episcopal Church 
obtained a strong antislavery orientation from its leaders, John Wesley, 
Francis Asbury, and Thomas Coke. From their viewpoint (and 
Mathews') a Christian moralist had to take an uncompromising op- 

222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

position to slavery. This position received its strongest institutional 
support when the Christmas Conference of 1784 ordered all Method- 
ists to free their slaves or suffer expulsion from the church. From 1784 
to 1816 successive conferences chipped away at this principled posi- 
tion and secured permission for Methodists to own slaves where state 
laws prohibited manumission, in effect giving Methodist sanction to 
slaveholding in order to secure a national following. After 1816 
Methodism's full support of the morally ambiguous American Coloni- 
zation Society and Mission to the Slaves marked the complete 
abandonment of antislavery principles. 

At this nadir of morality appeared the Methodist abolitionists, a 
new breed of "social revolutionaries" led by La Roy Sunderland, 
Orange Scott, and George Storrs. Inspired by revivalistic fervor this 
"righteous remnant" attempted in the 1830's to force the church to 
oppose slavery and resume its correct moral posture of the 1780's. 
They "offered a radical alternative to all compromise between con- 
science and sin by insisting that Negroes had a right to their own 
persons and destinies" (p. 146). The conservative leadership of the 
church tried to steer a middle course between the adamant abolition- 
ists on one extreme and the offended southern Methodists on the 
other. In the conferences of 1836 and 1840 northern antiabolitionists 
united with southerners to adopt positions favorable to slavery, but 
at the cost of the withdrawal of 6,000 antislavery Methodists to form 
the Wesleyan Methodist Church in 1842. Faced with the danger of 
a possibly greater schism of abolitionists, northern moderates were 
forced in the General Conference of 1844 to side with the abolitionists 
to demand the resignation of Bishop James O. Andrew, who had 
recently become a slaveholder. Southern Methodists saw that their 
demands for the church's approval of slavery would not be met, and 
they formed the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in 1845. So 
runs the interpretation of Mathews' scholarly and well-written ac- 

An assistant professor of history at Princeton University, Mathews 
has done a commendable job in ferreting out elusive Methodist ma- 
terials in at least twenty-nine different depositories, located from Mis- 
sissippi to Massachusetts. His style is polished, direct, and readable, 
and every paragraph and chapter builds up the theme of the impact 
of the moral issue of slavery upon the Methodist Church. If one ac- 
cepts his assumption that slavery was immoral, and that the uncom- 
promising stand of Methodism against slavery in 1784 was the norm 
for judging subsequent actions, then he has presented a sound and 

Book Reviews 223 

believable interpretation. 

This account makes at least two significant contributions to social 
history. It revises the view that abolitionists were radical, irresponsible 
fanatics. Mathews pictures the Methodist abolitionists as revivalistic 
reformers and defenders of the Wesleyan moral heritage; in the 
prophetic tradition of the Old Testament, they were men more con- 
cerned with rendering justice to the oppressed than with conserving 
human institutions. This account also helps to answer a question 
raised by Stanley Elkins' Slavery: why the Protestant churches in the 
United States proved less effective in ameliorating the harsh condi- 
tions of slavery than did the Catholic Church in South America. 

John L. Bell, Jr. 
Western Carolina College 

The Political Economy of Slavery. By Eugene D. Genovese. (New York: 
Pantheon Books, 1965. Notes, bibliographical note, index. Pp. xiv, 304. 

Professor Genovese's volume consists of ten essays, each of which 
to a certain extent can stand alone, but collectively they are associated 
around four general topics: (1) an interpretation of the slave South; 

(2) the interrelationship of the slave as the principal source of planta- 
tion labor and the various characteristics of the plantation economy; 

(3) the dominance of the southern economy by the plantation system 
and the consequent impact upon southern industrialism; and (4) the 
problem of slavery expansionism and the extent of the southern slave- 
holders' resistance to peaceful transition to a free labor system. 

This volume is appropriately subtitled, Studies in the Economy and 
Society of the Slave South, and, as such, these essays are interesting, 
provocative, and valuable in the light they shed upon the ante-bellum 
South. Genovese has relied heavily upon the many monographs on 
various aspects of the plantation-slavery South, supplemented to a 
limited extent by his own researches in the primary sources of south- 
ern history. For the most part, he concentrates upon the southeast and 
it is characteristic of his researches that he tends to select rather care- 
fully from the various monographs those facts which support his the- 
sis. His thesis is clearly and unequivocally stated: "I do say that the 
struggle between North and South was irrepressible. . . . The slave- 
holders' pride, sense of honor, and commitment to their way of life 
made a final struggle so probable that we may safely call it inevitable 
without implying a mechanistic determinism against which man can- 

224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

not avail" (p. 8). He concludes that the slaveholders did, indeed, con- 
stitute a ruling class in the South and "they could never agree to re- 
nounce the foundation of their power and moral sensibility and to 
undergo a metamorphosis into a class the nature and values of which 
were an inversion of their own. Slavery represented the cornerstone 
of their way of Me, and life to them meant an honor and dignity as- 
sociated with the power of command. When the slaveholders rose in 
insurrection, they knew what they were about: in the fullest sense, 
they were fighting for their lives" (p. 270). 

Genovese seems to imply that the plantation-slavery system, once 
it had reached a certain degree of maturity in the ante-bellum South, 
was a "fixed" system bound to attempt its inner self -perpetuation even 
to the point of war against opposing systems. But is not this view too 
limited in time? Was not the plantation-slavery system itself the 
product of such factors as the southern climate, the large coastal 
plain with virgin soil, the introduction of the staple crops, the cul- 
tural level of the southern Negro slave, the limited transportation 
system for so large a region, and the predominant rural character of 
southern life? Given the passing of time, is it too much to think that 
(at least some of) these conditions would have been altered, thereby 
producing substantial changes in the nature of southern society, 
whether the slaveholding class wanted these changes or not? 

Certainly, this reviewer is not disposed to question the dominance 
of the slaveholding class in southern life. Nor is he naive enough to 
think that this dominance would have been voluntarily relinquished 
or easily altered. Although in agreement with Professor Genovese on 
many points, he cannot escape the belief that there were forces already 
under way within the southern economy and society that would have 
necessitated rather serious adjustments in the slave South— not to 
mention the potent forces in western society that in time were to 
force the end of slavery throughout the western world. 

J. Carlyle Sitterson 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

The View from Headquarters: Civil War Letters of Harvey Reid. Edited 
by Frank L. Byrne. (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 
1965. Introduction, epilogue, index, illustrations. Pp. xiv, 257. $6.00.) 

Frank L. Byrne and the State Historical Society of Wisconsin merit 
acclaim for this worthy volume of letters written by an intelligent and 

Book Reviews 225 

perceptive member of a Wisconsin regiment to his family during a 
near three-year period of service which, beginning in Racine on 
August 12, 1862, found him campaigning with Sherman's forces in 
Georgia and the Carolinas as the war ground to its close. Reid intended 
for the letters to serve as a personal record in what would likely be 
the transcendent adventure of his life. 

Writing with a good sense of history from the vantage point of 
company and brigade clerk, Reid emerges from the letters as an 
earnest young man who read the Bible each night in his tent and 
deplored the practice of allowing army sutlers to sell liquor in the 
encampments. He was not humorless, however, as is evidenced fre- 
quently. "We have met the enemy and they were hours— ahead of 
us," he quipped on one occasion. 

Instructive to this reviewer was Reid's descriptive comment about 
fortifications, the towns and countryside through which he marched, 
camp election days, Sherman's final campaign, and the writer's experi- 
ence as a prisoner of war from the time of his capture in Tennessee 
through the ordeal of his hospitalization in Richmond's Libby Prison. 
Although faring well at the hands of individual "secesh soldiers," 
Reid used the term "barbarous" to describe the Confederate govern- 
ment's treatment of him and his fellow prisoners. 

Reid censured his own government severely near the war's end for 
subjecting the South to unnecessary cruelty. While able to excuse 
many harsh measures because "war is cruel in its every feature," he 
considered the heartless thievery practiced by foraging parties as 
detrimental to the army, and, after noting the destruction of civilian 
property during Sherman's withdrawal from Atlanta, pronounced it 
"entirely unnecessary and therefore a disgraceful piece of business. 
. . . We hardly deserve success," he added. 

The heaviest verbal guns fired by Reid were aimed at the Copper- 
heads. Expressing amazement that a certain antiadministration news- 
paper could command strength sufficient to sustain it, he asked: "Has 
patriotism become a crime? Is it now esteemed degrading to love 
one's country and to support its institutions. . . ?" Interesting is Reid's 
allusion without comment at nearly the same time to expressions of 
hatred for their political leaders made by Georgia unionists. 

Editor Byrne's Introduction and Epilogue are informative, his edi- 
torial apparatus inspires confidence, and the Index is useful. 

H. H. Cunningham 
University of Georgia 

226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Agriculture and the Civil War. By Paul W. Gates, with an introduction 
by Allan Nevins. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965. Illustrations, 
tables, notes, index. Pp. x, 383, xiii. $8.95.) 

This is the first volume in The Impact of the Civil War series— a 
fifteen-volume project planned by the Centennial Commission to cover 
the general area of civil history of that era. 

With his broad background of knowledge of the sources and out- 
standing productivity as a scholar in the field of agricultural history, 
Professor Gates is especially well equipped to relate the story of the 
impact of the war on agriculture. The book is divided into three parts. 
Part I deals with the South. Loss of access to markets for cotton and 
sugar led to an early emphasis upon the production of foodstuffs to 
meet the requirements of a nation at war. Despite heroic efforts in 
that direction, the gradual restriction of the area under Confederate 
control, breakdown of lines of communication and transportation, 
inability to replace worn-out equipment, a disastrous monetary system, 
and the demands of the army for man and animal power, combined 
to make scarcity of food one of the major causes of the Confederate 

In stark contrast, Part II reveals that during the war years agri- 
culture in the North not only met the food requirements of that section 
but also produced surpluses which were used to increase the volume of 
foodstuffs shipped to foreign markets. Improved equipment, particu- 
larly for the harvesting of small grains, permitted the production of 
larger crops despite the loss of manpower to the army. Availability of 
new lands, a continuing flow of immigrants, and improvements in 
transporting and marketing facilities contributed toward increased 
production of the old crops and stimulated interest in diversification 
and specialization. Dairy farming, for example, in the areas near large 
urban centers experienced dynamic growth. 

The passage of acts during the war years creating the Department 
of Agriculture, providing federal aid to land-grant colleges, trans- 
continental railroads, and the gift of homesteads, laid the groundwork 
for future agricultural expansion. A survey of the impact of these 
developments is found in Part III. 

Undoubtedly, the North's superior capacity for the production of 
food gave that section a decided advantage over the South. Although 
it was not his purpose, Professor Gates answers the question with 
authority and clarity, if anyone should ask it, as to why the North 
won the war. 

Cornelius O. Cathey 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

Book Reviews 227 

The Politics of Reconstruction: 1863-1867. By David Donald. (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965. Appendixes. Pp. xviii, 
105. $4.00.) 

Readers of this provocative study are introduced to a new approach 
to the interpretation of the Reconstruction period. Unlike most of the 
recently published studies which represent only a reworking of the 
well-known documents and source materials, David Donald, using 
the 1965 Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History at 
Louisiana State University, relates Radical Reconstruction to a study 
of the voting records of Republicans based on their security of tenure. 
He contends that this factor, more than any of the conventional 
approaches, determined whether Republican congressmen voted with 
the moderates or radicals on legislative measures and that it can be 
used in proving that the basic Reconstruction Act of 1867 was not 
enacted solely by the radical wing of the Republican party. 

In the first of three lectures entitled "The Mechanics of Moderation," 
Professor Donald points out that every Republican president from 
Lincoln through Hayes was forced into a moderate, conciliatory course 
toward the South in order to gain a Republican victory in the presi- 
dential campaigns. The close political balance between the two na- 
tional parties forced Lincoln to shape his policies by constantly wooing 
the doubtful voters of the northern and border states, luring the 
Democrats into his own party, and widening the split of those who 
remained outside. So Andrew Johnson followed this pattern to assure 
a Republican victory in 1868, Had Johnson died in January, 1866, 
writes Donald, he would have gone down into history as one of the 
most politically astute presidents, but his veto of the Freedmen's 
Bureau Bill led him to misread the extent of the growing differences 
between the moderates and Radical Republicans and thus contributed 
to his downfall. 

In "The Congressional Equation" Donald claims that it is impossible 
to distinguish between the moderate and Radical Republican congress- 
men on the basis of ethnic background, geographical origin, previous 
political affiliation, or age. Instead, it was a test of security in office 
and those who were decisively elected by Republican votes alone were 
pushed by their constituents into becoming radicals. The history of 
Reconstruction legislation can thus be analyzed in quantitative terms. 

"The Pendulum of Legislation" shows that the Reconstruction Act 
of 1867 was not the work of one man or any faction, since Democrats 
and Republicans— moderate and conservative, as well as radical— 

228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

helped shape its outlines. Republicans as diverse as James Mitchell 
Ashley, Thaddeus Stevens, Henry Harrison Bingham, and Henry 
Jarvis Raymond all opposed it at one stage or another, as did all 
varieties of Democrats. Nor can the act be understood as the product 
of a particular ideology, for in the final analysis the vote was deter- 
mined by the degree of strength and security each congressman felt 
in his home district. 

In concentrating upon impersonal forces and patterns of behavior, 
Professor Donald opens new insights for future scholarship. Louisiana 
State University Press and the Fleming Lectures demonstrate once 
again the profitableness of further study in southern historiography and 
are to be commended for the excellence of this volume. One must not 
forget, however, that politics is not an exact science, but as Bismarck 
wrote in 1863, "Politics is the doctrine of the possible, the attainable." 
Biographical character and motivation, as well as sectional conflicts 
and interests, must be included in any pertinent study of such a con- 
troversial topic as Reconstruction. 

Horace W. Raper 
Tennessee Technological University 

After the War: A Tour of the Southern States, 1865-1866. By Whitelaw 
Reid. Edited with an introduction by C. Vann Woodward (New York, 
Evanston, and London: Harper and Row, Publishers, Inc., 1965. Illus- 
trations. Pp. xxiv, 589. $3.45.) 

Historians of the Reconstruction period have cause to be grateful 
to northern and English travelers who came to the South in those years 
and recorded their observations and impressions. Modern students 
cherish these books even though they have undeniable faults. Travel- 
ers during Reconstruction, as is true in all ages, tended to see and to 
emphasize that which was unusual or strange and not necessarily 
normal. All of them, of course, saw the southern scene through a haze 
of prejudice. Still they saw things, many things, and they described 
them, with varying degrees of perceptivity; and because they came 
and wrote, the documentation of Reconstruction is immeasurably 

One travel book has received a consistently high rating from his- 
torians. It is After the War by Whitelaw Reid, originally published in 
1866, and now reissued by Harper Torchbooks as a paperbacked book. 
Professor Vann Woodward suggests, in the Introduction to the new 
edition, several reasons for the pre-eminence of Reid's book. Reid, 
a careful observer, was a reporter and war correspondent who knew 
what to look for and how to write. He had ample opportunity to 

Book Reviews 229 

observe while making three trips through the South and visiting every 
Confederate state except Texas. He had strong radical Republican 
sentiments, but he had enough detachment, sometimes, to report 
evidence that did not sustain his prejudices. In between his trips he 
returned to Washington to examine national politics, and his chapters 
on capital trends are among the best in the book. 

He saw North Carolina on his first tour, touching at Beaufort, New 
Bern, and Wilmington, and he did not like much that he saw. He was 
condescending toward most things southern, and he considered North 
Carolina to be particularly backward, rural, and shabby. The only 
city in the South that Reid showed any liking for was New Orleans, 
and he favored the port metropolis only because it seemed to be a 
city of the New South, one that might possibly move in the direction 
of progress as practiced in the North. 

Wherever he went, Reid tried diligently to measure southern 
opinion. On his first tour he found that the people were sullen and 
felt conquered. They "stood in silent and submissive apprehension" and 
were ready to acquiesce in "whatever policy the Government might 
pursue." Then came President Johnson's North Carolina proclamation, 
and southern opinion underwent a magical change. It became hopeful 
and then aggressive. "They had been offered an inch; they were soon 
to be seen clamoring for ells." Although Reid overestimated the 
plasticity of the southern mind, his findings are, on the whole, in 
accord with the latest historical analyses. Most modern students believe 
that Johnson's policy misled the South into thinking it could get con- 
cessions that were impossible and encouraged southerners to oppose 
a moderate Reconstruction program. 

A segment of southern opinion that Reid made a special effort to 
explore was the thinking of the Negroes. At first he was optimistic 
that the freedmen could be absorbed into the American system. They 
seemed industrious, frugal, and eager for education. Gradually his 
opinion altered, and on his last trip he found that more and more 
Negroes were irresponsible and unready for citizenship. One reason 
for the change in his thinking was an unfortunate venture he made as 
a cotton planter in Louisiana. He lost his investment, but essentially 
the transmutation was a reflection of the disillusionment that most 
American intellectuals came to feel with the apparent lower-class 
nature of the southern governments. Within a few years after the 
publication of his books, Reid, who by then was editor of the New 
York Tribune, began calling for an end to Reconstruction. 

T. Harry Williams 
Louisiana State University 

230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Reconstruction in the South, 1865-1877: Firsthand Accounts of the 
American Southland After the Civil War. Edited, with an introduction 
by Harvey Wish. (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux [Materials 
of American History series], 1965. Bibliography. Pp. xlii, 318. $5.95.) 

In this volume Harvey Wish presents the Reconstruction period 
through selections from contemporary accounts. Included are excerpts 
from the comments of northern and southern observers, national and 
local politicians, foreign visitors, military men, Negroes, and journal- 
ists. Some of the individuals were very prominent while others were 
relatively obscure. 

The material is organized topically from the collapse of the old 
South to the end of Reconstruction and includes sections on Johnson 
Reconstruction, Radical Reconstruction, military intervention, the 
Fourteenth Amendment, the Ku Klux Klan, and carpetbag Recon- 
struction. Under each of these headings the editor presents contrasting 
interpretations following the pattern of his earlier volume, Slavery in 
the South (1964). Benjamin C. Truman and Carl Schurz present con- 
trasting pictures of conditions in the South under the Johnson govern- 
ment. Frederick Douglas and Thaddeus Stevens take issue with 
Andrew Johnson on the need for radical rule in the South. General 
Nathan B. Forrest and General John B. Gordon defend the Klan as 
"a peace police organization" against the testimony of Klan victims. 
Congressman John A. Bingham, author of the civil rights portion of 
the Fourteenth Amendment, and Justice Joseph Bradley present 
opposing interpretations of the equal protection clause. 

Many of the selections are pertinent to the 1960's as well as to the 
Reconstruction era. In his annual report for 1872 the Louisiana state 
superintendent of schools noted great difficulties in organizing a 
school system attended by Negroes and whites. A Negro politician 
told the Arkansas Constitutional Convention in 1867 of the need for 
Negro suffrage, saying, "I am not willing to trust the rights of my 
people with the white men." Witnesses testifying before a congres- 
sional committee related some of the lawless activities of the Ku Klux 

Included with this collection of firsthand accounts is a biographical 
sketch of each of the individuals, a brief review of the period, and a 
useful summary of Reconstruction historiography. 

This volume presents a good cross section of the commentaries of 
those who witnessed Reconstruction. It should prove useful to students 
of the period. 

Richard D. Younger 

University of Houston 

Book Reviews 231 

Three Paths to the Modern South: Education, Agriculture, and Conserva- 
tion. By Thomas D. Clark. (Athens : University of Georgia Press, 1965. 
Notes, bibliography, index. Pp. xiii, 103. $3.00.) 

"The South of the 1920's and 1930's," writes the author of this slim 
volume, "became noted for its Tobacco Roads, its Snopeses, its 'un- 
finished cathedrals/ No longer does a novelist have at hand such 
realistic materials in the present South. . . . Where cotton rows once 
scored and scarred the southern landscape, there are now rolling 
meadow grass lands in which farmers have met the challenge of the 
conservationists to turn the South green in profit-yielding pastures." 
This publication of the three Lamar Memorial Lectures delivered by 
Professor Clark at Mercer University in October, 1964, traces the 
tortuous progress of the South in three areas basic to its economic 
growth. In no other area, except industrialization, were efforts so 
ardent and the ultimate results by the 1940's so far reaching. 

Prior to the twentieth century, however, these efforts toward pro- 
gress met with little success. One of the most tragic phases of all 
southern history was the failure of its post-Reconstruction leaders to 
appreciate and accept the challenge of educational leadership. Full 
credit is given to the dedicated men who led the southern educational 
renaissance of the early 1900's. They, however, viewed their challenges 
largely in terms of cultural meanings, and failed to foresee the de- 
mands of an industrialized society to train its entire human resource. 

The lecture on agriculture summarizes the chronic evils of the one- 
crop emphasis, inadequate credit, and increasing tenantry. Reformers 
and crusaders attempted in vain to revolutionize southern farm proce- 
dures until the nadir of the Great Depression. Since then a veritable 
revolution has resulted from the delayed effects of the reforming 
efforts combined with the actions of the federal government. Post- 
war southerners not only failed to recognize the importance of con- 
serving their natural resources but often implied in their promotional 
literature that the resources were inexhaustible. 

In these lectures, as in his recent more complete account, The 
Emerging South, Clark's love of his native region is clearly evident. 
While his criticism of agrarian and educational policy prior to 1940 
is generally unsparing, he foresees a bright future once the South 
overcomes its current traumatic racial readjustment. "The present 
decades of the twentieth century," he concludes, "are the first in the 
history of southern agriculture to witness a farming population prop- 
erly using the natural wealth of the area for greater productivity." 

Allen J. Going 
University of Houston 

232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Triumphant Empire: The Rumbling of the Coming Storm, 1766- 
1770. By Lawrence Henry Gipson. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf [Vol- 
ume XI of The British Empire Before the American Revolution], 1965. 
Illustrations, notes, index. Pp. lxxxi, 579, xxxv. $10.00.) 

The Triumphant Empire: Britain Sails into the Storm, 1770-1776. By 
Lawrence Henry Gipson. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf [Volume XII of 
The British Empire Before the American Revolution], 1965. Illustra- 
tions, notes, index. Pp. lvii, 372, xxx. $10.00.) 

It might seem that Professor Gipson has concluded his great work, 
for Volume XII ends with the Declaration of Independence. But a 
thirteenth volume is in preparation. It will consist of two parts, one 
discussing the empire "beyond the storm" during the decade 1765 to 
1776, and the other presenting the historiography and the bibliography 
of the period covered by the entire series. 

Nevertheless, readers will find the climax of the series in Volume 
XII and, in it and its immediate predecessor, Professor Gipson's judg- 
ments upon the reasons for the Revolution. The issue was a consti- 
tutional one; the Revolution came because of failure to "reconcile the 
differences between . . . the aspirations of colonials for increased 
autonomy in their local legislatures and . . . the confirmed belief 
[in England] ... in the supreme sovereign power of Parliament to 
legislate for the colonies" (XI, 497). Much in the preceding decades 
contributed indirectly to the Revolution. The unsuccessful British 
land policy in "Trans- Appalachia," treated fully in Volume XI, irritated 
some Americans. The Navigation Acts and the efforts to enforce them 
also added to the discontents of the times because social, economic, 
and political developments in the colonies produced a "sense of matu- 
rity" which made restrictions unacceptable. The parent-child analogy 
appears repeatedly in these two volumes. And so the constitutional 
dispute which began with a challenge to Parliament's power to tax 
expanded to include the authority of Parliament to legislate for the 
colonies. As the great debate continued it became clear that the old 
imperial constitution "was no longer well adapted to cope with the 
relations of a mother country with colonies now coming of age and 
seeking freedom of action consonant with the self-confidence, self- 
reliance, and aspirations that maturity brings" (XII, 101). 

But Professor Gipson is writing a history of the British Empire 
before the American Revolution and he must tell of other things 
besides the causes of the Revolution. Though British politics is part 
of this history and is related to the Revolution, that part which is 
domestic political history, especially the affairs of John Wilkes between 

Book Reviews 233 

1768 and 1771, hardly seems necessary. Intercolonial disputes involv- 
ing New York and Pennsylvania, and intracolonial politics in North 
and South Carolina are also treated at length in Volume XI, again as 
parts of the history of the empire. Volume XII on the other hand is 
devoted almost entirely to events after 1770 which moved straight 
toward the war. The Quebec Act is omitted; it will be discussed in 
Volume XIII as a part of the history of Quebec. 

Since in earlier volumes of this series, and in his The Coming of the 
Revolution, 1763-1775, Professor Gipson has already revealed himself, 
the reader need not look for surprising interpretations or new points 
of view in these two volumes. They continue the narrative, with the 
usual amplitude of text and footnotes, to the time when the world 
was told that "a new nation had come into existence" (XII, 371). 
Having said this, Professor Gipson concludes Volume XII with the 
reminder that there were "parts of the Empire that did not revolt." 

Carl B. Cone 
University of Kentucky 

The King's Friends: The Composition and Motives of the American Loy- 
alist Claimants. By Wallace Brown. (Providence: Brown University 
Press, 1965. Tables, notes, bibliography, index. Pp. xiv, 411. $7.00.) 

This book may only confirm the doubts of many historians about 
the statistical method. Professor Brown, assistant professor of history 
at Brown University, has presented statistics as to the residences, 
national origins, and occupations of the Revolutionary War exiles who 
later petitioned the Crown for compensation, but he has not signifi- 
cantly increased an understanding of the loyalists or of loyalism. He 
would have done well to limit his generalizations, as he advised in the 
Preface, to "that segment of Loyalism represented by the claimants. " 
Professor Brown's "simple" questions of who and why have been 
answered more clearly by earlier writers, and more detailed knowledge 
of local history would be needed to go deeper. Although he never 
states why C. H. Van Tyne's 1902 work "needs replacing," the reason 
is not that the records of the Loyalist Claims Commission are new 
material. Van Tyne used them. 

"To describe the structure of the Loyalist movement is a fairly 
straightforward task," asserts Professor Brown, despite being forced 
to admit that "The difficulty in discovering and even defining the 
Tories means that no accurate count can ever be made." One could 

234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

wish for more clarity in his generalizations. Sometimes he asks the 
wrong questions; often he answers unasked or obvious ones. With 
such conclusions as "the Loyalists were probably a majority in no 
colony" and "It seems unlikely that a majority of Anglicans were 
Loyalists," he refutes claims that are not usually made. Such state- 
ments as "Most colonists, like most people anywhere, followed their 
leaders," and "Self-interest and greed are obviously important factors 
in all human affairs" are too poorly documented to explain much about 
the loyalists. 

His handling of his statistics is less than masterful. He states that 
the majority of claimants were farmers, but according to his tables 
farmers made up 49.2 per cent. Although it may well be, as Professor 
Brown attempts to show, that the numerical strength of the loyalists 
has been exaggerated, the reasoning by which he arrives at this con- 
clusion is somewhat tenuous. 

Despite some limitations, this book may be useful to historians of 
states lacking monographs on their loyalists or to those seeking statis- 
tical information on Crown claimants. There is a chapter for each 
of the thirteen colonies. 

Laura P. Freeh 

The Social Structure of Revolutionary America. By Jackson Turner Main 
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965. Preface, appendix, in- 
dex. Pp. viii, 330. $6.50.) 

This is an important book. It is thoroughly researched, carefully 
organized and well written. It contains a vast amount of new and 
significant data, and throws more light on the social structure of 
Revolutionary America than perhaps any volume that has appeared. 
Using tax lists and inventories of estates as major sources, the author 
shows that there were economic classes, based upon the unequal 
distribution of property, and social classes, based upon prestige. Yet 
he concludes that American Revolutionary society "was both classless 
and democratic by comparison with the America of 1900 or with 
England in 1776." 

According to Professor Main, every colony-state had its peculiar 
history, but each possessed some variation of four basic social struc- 
tures: the frontier, subsistence farm, commercial farm, and urban. 

The pioneer was able to obtain land easily, and the typical frontier 
society was one in which class distinctions were minimized. The class 

Book Reviews 235 

of landless poor was small; there were few artisans, and even fewer 
professional men. Equality was "the normal characteristic of frontier 
society everywhere." 

The subsistence farm society was the most common type throughout 
New England, a great part of the Middle colony states, and parts of 
the South, notably North Carolina. No wealthy class was present and 
most of the residents held a "middle-class position." The author says, 
"It was a frontier in arrested development." 

The commercial farm community, as its name implies, sold a much 
larger quantity of agricultural products than did the subsistence 
farmers. This type of society was found in many of the river valleys 
in both the North and the South, particularly in those places near the 
urban centers. Large estates were prevalent, a small percentage of 
families owned a great portion of the land, and there were more 
artisans, shopkeepers, and professional men than in the two other 
types of rural society. 

Cities, whether lesser or greater, as the author defines them, had 
one basic feature: "a wealthy class larger and richer than elsewhere 
in the North, controlling a great proportion of the property." The 
wealth of the class came primarily from foreign trade. The cities also 
included an exceptionally high proportion of men at the bottom of 
the economic scale. In general the more populous towns had the most 
poor people; the urban areas also had a large number of artisans, as 
high as 20 per cent in some towns but probably averaging 10 per cent 
for all urban centers. 

The South (discussed in Chapter Two), with the exception of North 
Carolina, had a much larger upper class and a greater concentration 
of wealth than was found in the North. In Boston scarcely one-fifth 
of the men left personal estates exceeding £ 1,000, but in Charleston, 
the only major southern city, nearly 30 per cent did so. The author 
concludes that in the South the richest 10 per cent of the men owned 
about 40 per cent of the wealth and that the commercial farm section 
was the most important. 

Chapter III, "Income and Property," gives a tremendous number 
of statistics about daily, weekly, and yearly wages of farm laborers, 
ordinary urban workers, mariners, fishermen, artisans, carpenters, 
housewrights, blacksmiths, weavers, tailors, ropemakers, cordwainers, 
distillers, farmers, millers, and mechanics. Statistics on the income of 
doctors, lawyers, preachers, college professors, schoolteachers, shop- 
keepers and peddlers are also given. According to probate records and 
tax lists, artisans accumulated more property than did mariners, fisher- 

236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

men, soldiers, and common laborers but less than farmers, professional 
men, or merchants. Teachers and tailors were at the bottom of the 
economic scale among those who had some skill. The income of 
lawyers was higher than that of doctors, preachers, or college profes- 

There is an interesting chapter on "Standards and Styles of Living," 
followed by a challenging chapter on "Mobility in Early America." 
The "horizontal" type of mobility— upward and downward in the 
social scale although related to the first type, was a significant factor 
in Colonial and Revolutionary society. Revolutionary America was in 
a state of flux. People were on the move, but mobility into the upper 
classes was not as easy by the time of the Revolution as it had been 

The book contains chapters on "Social Classes in the Revolutionary 
Era," "Contemporary Views of Class," and "Classes and Culture 
Patterns." The most common classifications at the time were "rich," 
"middling," and "poor," but there were such terms as "better sort" 
and "meaner sort." The term "common people" was indefinite and 
often included everyone not of the "first rank." 

Americans of the Colonial and Revolutionary eras talked about 
equality of opportunity, and they boasted that there was less class 
distinction here than in Europe. Yet classes did exist, and the trend 
prior to the Revolution was toward greater inequality with more 
marked class distinctions. These inequalities "marred the vision of 
the Good Society." 

Hugh T. Lefler 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

The Old Republicans: Southern Conservatism in the Age of Jefferson, 
By Norman K. Risjord. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965. 
Notes, index. Pp. 340. $7.95.) 

Here Norman K. Risjord records the story of Jefferson's Old 
Republican supporters. These were men who believed in economy, 
simplicity, and severe limitations upon the power of government. John 
Randolph and Nathaniel Macon, both representatives from the banks 
of the Roanoke, fought their battles against big government for more 
than three decades. Their followers were mostly from the tobacco 
lands of the South. 

In a nation which exalts centralized power, where farmers are 

Book Reviews 237 

supplicants before the altars of Washington, and where urbanites 
determine public policy, the voice of an agrarian past lingers as a 
nostalgic memory. Even the meaning of words has changed. Liberal- 
ism is now more concerned with equality than liberty. Freedom has 
new economic and social connotations. Literal interpretation of the 
Constitution and republican principles now seem to have reactionary 
tones. Yet, in the warnings of Randolph, Macon, or John Taylor of 
Caroline are heard the familiar sounds of former Senators Byrd and 
Goldwater, echoes from Old Republicans. 

The irony of the history of the Old Republicans is that in their 
moment of victory, when Hamilton's system seemed most thoroughly 
defeated, it was Old Republican principles which were betrayed. 
Randolph and Macon saw this, and even Jefferson finally sensed it. 
Risjord's final two chapters deal with the disintegration of the agrarian 
conservatives. Here he shows Old Republican suspicion of Calhoun 
and his nullification movement. These pages must have been difficult 
to write, but they throw valuable light on a clouded and confusing 

A native of Wisconsin, Dr. Risjord spent his college years in 
Virginia. Under the supervision of Bernard Mayo, The Old Republi- 
cans developed from term paper to doctoral dissertation. Now at the 
University of Wisconsin, Professor Risjord is a leading authority on 
the period of the Virginia dynasty. In this book, Norman Risjord has 
plowed old fields with care. He uncovers some new artifacts and 
makes it possible to see others from new vantage points. 

Daniel M. McFarland 
Madison College 

The Forgotten Farmers: The Story of Sharecroppers in the New Deal. 
By David Eugene Conrad. (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1965. 
Bibliographical note, index. Pp. 223. $5.00.) 

This book by a historian at Southwest Texas State College, San 
Marcos, won the 1964 Agricultural History Society Award. Consider- 
ably less comprehensive than its title implies, the work is neither a 
study of American tenancy during the New Deal years nor a history 
of organized sharecroppers in that period. It is instead a study of the 
cotton program of the first Agricultural Adjustment Administration 
( 1933-1936) and the impact of that program upon farmers, particularly 

238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in Arkansas. After a brief review of tenant farming and cotton belt 
conditions before 1933, Professor Conrad traces the passage of the 
Agricultural Adjustment Act and describes the organization of the 
AAA and the Cotton Section within the administration. He discusses 
tenant grievances against the cotton program and devotes a chapter 
to the organization and activities of the Southern Tenant Farmers' 
Union. Perhaps the most interesting part of the book is Conrad's 
analysis of the conflict between the traditional farm leaders, called 
the "agrarians," and the reform-minded "liberals" in the AAA. He 
shows how the agrarians came to control the AAA, how they system- 
atically sided with the landlords, and how they failed, despite some 
palliative reforms following the "purge" of the liberals, to formulate 
an equitable solution to the tenant problems in the cotton region. 

It was doubly ironic that the New Deal, which brought the first 
realistic effort by federal authority to deal with fundamental farm 
problems in this country, should contribute directly to the emergence, 
or at least the recognition, of tenantry as a great national problem 
and that its programs should actually aggravate the plight of the 
sharecropper. In evaluating the cotton program of the first AAA, the 
author is careful to balance the limitations of the administration's 
tenancy policies with the general improvement of the cotton economy. 
But he thinks the New Deal made a tragic mistake by not moving to 
disrupt the structure of the southern tenant system at the very outset 
with such policies as direct payments to landless farmers (which 
the AAA liberals recommended) rather than payments through land- 

The Forgotten Farmers does not fill the need for a thoroughgoing 
study of the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union, nor does it provide a 
comprehensive treatment of the New Deal's over-all approach to the 
problem of cotton tenants. But it is a book that students of the New 
Deal and American agriculture will find useful, and it provides a 
demonstration of the scholarly way in which unexploited manuscript 
materials in the National Archives and other depositories can be used. 

Dewey W. Grantham, Jr. 
Vanderbilt University 

Keepers of the Past. Edited by Clifford L. Lord. (Chapel Hill: University 
of North Carolina Press, 1965. Pp. 241. $6.00.) 

The deserved prosperity of the American Association for State and 
Local History and of its members has drawn attention to the conser- 

Book Reviews 239 

vationists of every kind, both local and national. Clifford L. Lord, 
president of Hofstra College and long a distinguished leader in the 
effort to give status to local history, is editor of this book which begins 
with his introduction "By Way of Background," and contains eighteen 
other essays written by a variety of authors about a very diverse 
group of individuals. Included are five founders or developers of 
historical societies, three keepers of public archives, three curators of 
historical museums, two collectors, and five leaders in the movement 
to preserve historic sites. 

Apparently, the only universal prerequisite for inclusion in the book 
is that the subject must be dead. This makes for confusion; for 
example, the two creators of special collections included are Henry 
Edwards Huntington, who left his magnificent estate and library to 
the public; and Bella C. Landauer, whose collection, primarily of 
advertising matter, went to the New- York Historical Society. It is not 
that these two are not deserving, but other equally fine collectors are 

There is also a troublesome lack of distinction between local and 
national figures. What strange bedmates are Adina De Zavala, the 
cantankerous preserver of the Alamo, and John D. Rockefeller, Jr., 
who lie together in this book with only William Sumner Appleton and 
Stephen Hyatt Pelham Pell separating them. 

There is a splendid short piece, by Professor Hugh T. Lefler, 
devoted to R. D. W. Connor, secretary to the predecessor of the North 
Carolina State Department of Archives and History. Connor appears 
as a rounded human being with a sense of humor. Without exception, 
the other subjects appear solemn and austere. But Lefler, too, may 
have been inhibited from giving a clear picture of this man and his 
works, for one must exercise restraint in treating the recently dead. 
For instance, there is no explanation of why Connor considered 
Washington "The world's greatest bughouse" and why his last years as 
Archivist of the United States were less productive than his first. 
Some of the other essayists may have been affected by their loyalty 
to the institutions which employ them. John E. Pomfret, the present 
director of the Huntington Library, wrote about Huntington; G. 
Carroll Lindsay, a curator at the Smithsonian Institution, wrote about 
George Brown Goode. 

This reviewer feels that Lord did his best, and he has produced a 
useful book. It must not be thought though, that the last word has been 
said about any of the figures who appear in it. 

Morris L. Radoff 
Maryland Hall of Records 


The American Association for State and Local History has issued its 
Directory: Historical Societies and Agencies in the United States and 
Canada, 1965-1966, bringing up to date its listing of organizations in 
the field of history. Addresses, names of top officers, and pertinent 
information make the Directory a valuable reference for historians, 
archivists, genealogists, and laymen interested in the field of history. 
Copies, which are $2.00 each, may be ordered from the association 
at 132 Ninth Avenue, North, Nashville, Tennessee, 37203. 

Mrs. Estelle Buchanan Heiss has edited and published excerpts 
from Jefferson Davis' The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Govern- 
ment. The first ten chapters of Volume I, Part I, on the origins of the 
war, are included in this 90-page publication. A plastic-paper type 
binding has been used in the edition which is being sold to individuals 
for $2.50. Information about other types of binding and prices to 
libraries as well as orders may be sent to Mrs. Heiss at 1510 19th 
Avenue, Gulfport, Mississippi. 

Rebel Lawyer: Letters of Theodorick W. Montfort, 1861-1862, 
edited by Spencer B. King, Jr., is now available from the University 
of Georgia Press, Athens, for $3.00. The 84-page publication, with 
paper covers, includes an introductory section giving biographical data 
on the Georgia attorney who served the Confederacy in Virginia and 
later in Georgia. The letters themselves were originally published 
serially in the Georgia Historical Quarterly. Complete documentation 
and an index add to the value of this work. 

The Committee on the Impact of the Civil War on Religion in 
Michigan has published four pamphlets: The Methodist Episcopal 
Church in Michigan During the Civil War, by Margaret Burnham 
Macmillan; Impact of the Civil War on the Presbyterian Church in 
Michigan, by Maurice F. Cole: Michigan Catholicism in the Era of 
the Civil War, by Frederic H. Hayes; and The Dutch Churches in 
Michigan During the Civil War, by Wynand Wickers, were all edited 
by Lewis Beeson. Though there is no charge for these booklets, 

Other Recent Publications 241 

postage should be sent. Orders may be addressed to the Michigan 
Civil War Centennial Observance Commission, 22307 South Military, 
Dearborn, Michigan, 48124. 

Special Lists Number 21, entitled Index to the Manuscript and 
Revised Printed Opinions of the Supreme Court of the United States 
in the National Archives, 1808-73, compiled by Marion M. Johnson, 
Elaine C. Everly, and Toussaint L. Prince, has been published by 
the National Archives. As a finding aid this publication will be of 
value to persons interested in research in the records of the court. 
Write to the Exhibits and Publications Division, National Archives 
and Records Service, General Services Administration, Washington, 
D. C, for copies of this 58-page publication. 

Mr. John W. Clark of Greensboro has sent to the Department of 
Archives and History reprints of two articles and an address by his 
father, Chief Justice Walter Clark. The titles are: Address by Walter 
Clark About Randolph County Soldiers in the Great War, 1861-1865; 
William Alexander Graham, reprinted from the July, 1916, issue of the 
North Carolina Booklet; and Our State Motto and Its Origin, reprinted 
from the North Carolina Booklet of 1909. For further information 
about these pamphlets, write to Mr. Clark, 1001 Country Club Drive, 

Francis Asbury in North Carolina: The North Carolina Portion of 
The Journal of Francis Asbury has been issued with introductory notes 
by Grady L. E. Carroll. The journal of Asbury, a Methodist bishop 
who came to America in 1771, was published in installments during 
his lifetime. Portions reprinted here are from the E. T. Clark edition, 
published by the Epworth Press in 1958. The purpose of this book, 
according to Mr. Carroll, is "to present the story of Francis Asbury's 
missionary endeavor in North Carolina in one volume, in the belief 
that his distinctive contribution to the growth and spread of the 
Methodist movement at first, and then the newly organized 'Methodist 
Episcopal Church in America' (original name) in the state, has not 
received its rightful share of attention." The journal will be of interest 
not only to Methodists but to all those interested in the early history 
of North Carolina. A bibliography and index, index of sermon texts, 
chronology of the life of Asbury, and other supplemental information 
at the end of the book add to its value. Adequate documentation 
throughout aids the reader in an understanding of the journal. Copies 

242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of the 300-page book may be ordered from Mr. Carroll at 2711 Gordon 
Street in Raleigh or from the Baptist Book Store in Raleigh for $3.75. 

The Confederate Horsemen, by David Knapp, Jr., has been pub- 
lished by the Vantage Press, Inc., 120 W. 31 Street, New York, New 
York, 10001; copies are $4.50. The title is self-explanatory. The book 
portrays events in the lives of forty-three individual cavalrymen, 
briefly telling of their accomplishments and their places in history. 
A bibliography and an index are included in the 302 pages. 



Director's Office 

At a meeting November 29 the North Carolina Capital Planning Com- 
mission designated the site for the long discussed and debated building 
for the State Department of Archives and History and the State Library. 
The $3 million structure will be placed on the original William R. Davie 
block, between the State Legislative Building and the Governor's Mansion. 
Plans for the new building have been drawn by Architects Carter 
Williams and Leif Valand, Raleigh, and are being modified for this site. 
It is expected that construction will begin later this year. Heritage Square, 
the area designated for future development of state buildings, was 
extended to include the Davie block (purchased by the "Father of the Uni- 
versity" when Raleigh was laid off in 1792) and the block on which the 
Governor's Mansion stands. 

On December 6, in ceremonies in the State Capitol, a portrait of the 
late Lynton Yates Ballentine was unveiled and presented to the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture as a memorial to the long-time Commissioner of 
Agriculture. The portrait was painted by Miss Irene Price, well-known 
North Carolina artist. 

The Advisory Committee on Historical Markers met December 10 in 
Raleigh. After the meeting, there was a dinner commemorating the 
thirtieth anniversary of the highway marker program, which was initiated 
under an act of 1935. Markers totaling 1,027 have been erected. The fol- 
lowing members attended: Drs. Richard L. Watson, Jr., and Robert H. 
Woody, Duke University; Mr. Luther W. Barnhardt, North Carolina 
State University at Raleigh; Drs. Elisha P. Douglass, Cecil Johnson, 
Hugh T. Lefler, James W. Patton, and Mr. William S. Powell, University 
of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Dr. Forrest W. Clonts, Wake Forest 
College; and Dr. Crittenden, Mr. William S. Tarlton, and Mrs. Elizabeth 
Wilborn, State Department of Archives and History. 

The department has received a gift of $1,000 from the Sarah Graham 
Kenan Foundation, Inc., for the Confederate Roster project. Through 
December 31 the total of gifts for the roster, all from non-state sources, 
was more than $10,000. This amount, which under the law is matched 
from state funds, thus amounts to over $20,000. 

On January 13, during a special session of the General Assembly, 
plaques were unveiled in the Capitol commemorating the first session 
of the General Assembly in the Capitol in 1840 and the last regular session 
there in 1961. There were thus two plaques for the House of Represen- 
tatives and two for the Senate, each listing officers and members of the 
respective houses in the years specified. A large group of members of 

244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

both houses and state officials attended. Representative James B. Vogler of 
Mecklenburg, chairman of the special joint committee, presided, and brief 
talks were made by Dr. Crittenden and Honorable Joseph M. Hunt, 
Greensboro, who was Speaker of the House of Representatives of 1961. 

Representatives of the various "Culture Week" societies met on January 
14 at the Hotel Robert E. Lee, Winston-Salem, to make preliminary plans 
for the annual sessions, which this year will be held in Winston-Salem, 
November 29-December 3, in connection with the bicentennial commemo- 
ration of the founding of the town of Old Salem. 

On January 15 Dr. Crittenden spoke to the United Daughters of the 
Confederacy, Sons of Confederate Veterans, and North Carolina Civil 
War Round Table at a dinner in Winston-Salem. In spite of a heavy snow- 
storm, some forty-five persons were present. 

The Raleigh Historic Sites Commission met December 21 and January 
18. Mrs. Bruce Carter, chairman, City Cemetery Committee, reported 
completion of a project of planting at the cemetery gates. The committee 
plans further beautification and improvements, particularly in the resto- 
ration or replacement of the monument to President Andrew Johnson's 
father, Jacob Johnson. Through the efforts of its chairman, Mr. William 
H. Deitrick, the commission has contributed to the preservation of the 
"Henry Clay Oak." The commission is exploring the possibilities of 
the establishment of a Raleigh Historic Sites Foundation to enlist the 
interest and support of all citizens of the state in preservation of historic 
and architecturally significant buildings in North Carolina's capital city. 

Old East, the oldest building on the campus of the University of North 
Carolina at Chapel Hill, is one of sixty-five sites designated by the United 
States Department of Interior as eligible to become national historic 
landmarks. Old East, built in 1793, was the university's first building and 
is now a men's dormitory. The National Park Service does not administer 
these landmarks but presents each owner a certificate and a bronze plaque. 

The Carolina Charter Corporation held its annual meeting in Raleigh, 
January 24. Mrs. Bess Ballentine, vice-president, presided. 

On January 28 the Executive Mansion Fine Arts Committee met at the 
mansion. Mrs. James Semans, Durham, presided, and Mrs. John Pearce, 
committee consultant from Washington, was present. 

The first Southeastern Regional Conference of the American Associ- 
ation for State and Local History will be held in Raleigh, April 15-16. 
Anyone interested will be welcome. For the first day the general topic will 
be Researching, Writing, and Publishing Local History; for the second 
day, Historic Sites and Historical Museums. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Dr. H. G. Jones, state archivist, attended the meeting of the American 
Historical Association and the Council of the Society of American 
Archivists in San Francisco, December 27-30. On January 12 he and Rear 
Admiral A. M. Patterson, assistant state archivist, met with a committee 
of clerks of superior court in Chapel Hill to discuss recording procedures 
under the new uniform court system. 

Mr. A. K. Johnson, regional director, National Archives and Records 

Historical News 245 

Service, and Miss Carroll Hart, director of the Georgia Department of 
Archives and History, came to Raleigh February 5-6 to discuss plans for 
a Symposium on Archives Administration to be held in Raleigh on April 
16 and a Training Conference for Archivists scheduled for Atlanta, 
Georgia, May 20-21. 

A Florida executive and legislative delegation spent December 17 
making a second study of North Carolina's archival-records management 

In the Archives, Miss Elizabeth Donnelly, archivist I, resigned Decem- 
ber 17 and was succeeded by Mrs. Ellen Z. McGrew February 1. Miss 
Beth Crabtree was detailed temporarily beginning December 1 to work 
with Mrs. Dan K. Moore and a committee concerned with furnishing 
the Governor's Mansion, and Mr. Jack L. Cloninger was employed Decem- 
ber 13 as a temporary archivist I in her stead. 

Recent acquisitions in the Archives include the official papers of Gov- 
ernor Terry Sanford, 1964; and general records of the following organi- 
zations for the years indicated: Woman's Club of Raleigh, 1961-1965; 
St. Agnes Hospital, Raleigh, 1952-1961 ; and the Committee on Cooperative 
Research of the North Carolina College Conference, 1937-1965. 

A Filmac 300 microfilm reader-printer was installed in the Archives 
on February 1 to facilitate the filling of increasing numbers of public 
orders for paper copies from film. The proceedings of the Senate were 
recorded during both special sessions of the General Assembly. 

During the quarter ending December 31, 1,020 mail inquirers and 824 
visitors were served in the Search Room, and the following quantities 
of copies were furnished the public : 66 typed certified copies, 463 photo- 
copies, 1,499 xerographic copies, 254 prints from microfilm, 87 reels of 
newspaper positives, 23 reels of non-newspaper positives, and 4 reels of 
negative microfilm. Microfilm processed in the laboratory totaled 1,519 
reels (148,945 linear feet). The Document Restoration Laboratory lami- 
nated 21,650 pages of records for official purposes and 1,812 pages for 
other institutions and individuals. 

All Raleigh newspapers published prior to 1900 which had not been 
filmed previously were completed and made available for positive copying, 
as follows: Farmer and Mechanic (weekly, 1877-1885; 1887-1915), 22 
reels; Daily News (1872-1880), 17 reels; Weekly News (1872-1880), 1 
reel; North Carolinian (daily, 1868), 1 reel; Daily Carolinian (1871- 
1872), 1 reel; North Carolinian (weekly, 1892-1909), 15 reels; Observer 
(daily, 1876-1880), 9 reels; Observer (weekly, 1876-1880), 1 reel; State 
Chronicle (daily, 1890-1893), 9 reels; and State Chronicle (weekly, 1883- 
1893), 3 reels. 

In the Local Records Section, the microfilming of permanently valuable 
records of Stokes County was completed and work is in progress in 
Moore and Cabarrus counties. Varying quantities of original records 
were arranged for Chowan, Durham, and Sampson counties, and micro- 
film copies of records of Franklin and Montgomery were filed in the 
Search Room. All master negatives of county records microfilm were moved 
from the Archives areas to a room on the first floor of the Education Build- 
ing where more desirable temperature and humidity ranges are attainable. 

246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In the State Records Section, a study on the proposed combination of 
individual case files of the Board of Paroles, Prison Department, and 
Probation Commission was accepted in principle by the heads of the 
agencies concerned and installation of the combined system was begun. 

A total of twenty-seven "Memorandums of Understanding" have been 
signed listing essential records of as many agencies and specifying the 
method of protecting those records from disaster. Schedules for the 
Governor Morehead School and for the Department of Conservation and 
Development have been approved. The Correspondence Management and 
Plain Letters workshop has been given seven times to 123 persons repre- 
senting two agencies. 

In the quarter ending December 31 the State Records Center received 
2,548 cubic feet of records and disposed of 1,465 cubic feet. The net gain 
of 1,083 cubic feet brought the records holdings of the State Records 
Center to 40,318 cubic feet. The Records Center performed 27,156 refer- 
ence services during the quarter. 

Division of Historic Sites 

In the closing weeks of 1965 nine restoration projects over the state 
qualified for Richardson Foundation Challenge grants totaling $29,000: 
Latimer House, Wilmington ; "Hope" Plantation, Bertie County ; Harmony 
Hall, Bladen County; Harshaw Chapel, Murphy; James Iredell House, 
Edenton; St. Thomas Glebe House, Bath; Cupola House, Edenton; 
Franklin Academy Building, Louisburg College, Louisburg; and "Fort 
Defiance," Caldwell County. 

Capital improvements at the James K. Polk birthplace at Pineville 
were started in January with the grading of the site by the State Highway 
Commission. An early log house in the area (the Coffey family cabin, 
circa 1810), conforming in style and size to the main part of the Polk 
house, was donated by Mr. and Mrs. Alex R. Josephs and Mr. and Mrs. 
Joe E. Josephs, Charlotte, to be moved complete to the site and used as the 
nucleus of the restoration. Mr. George Ellinwood, North Carolina State 
University School of Design, will draw restoration plans. Mr. Richard 
N. Dalrymple, Sanf ord, began work as historic site assistant at the Polk 
birthplace in January. 

Mr. Richard W. Iobst, formerly of the staff and now a doctoral candi- 
date at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, will continue 
to do research for the division on the early history of Halifax. His findings 
will serve as an important basis for further restoration and interpretation 
of Historic Halifax. 

Mr. Charles Grossman, Gatlinburg, Tennessee, recently retired from 
the National Park Service, has joined the division as consultant for the 
restoration of Fort Defiance, the late-eighteenth-century home of General 
William Lenoir on the Yadkin River near Lenoir. 

Arrangements are being made to move the eighteenth-century John 
Allen House to Alamance Battleground where it will be restored. Funds 
for this work were recently raised in the Burlington area by a committee 
headed by Mr. Reid Maynard ; Mr. George Colclough is co-ordinating local 
efforts with the division. 

Historical News 247 

The division has undertaken, in collaboration with the Department of 
Public Instruction, to work with interested public school districts in 
planning and carrying out special projects in history education. Federal 
grants are available to local districts under the Elementary and Secondary 
Education Act of 1965. The staff studied the opportunities pertaining to 
historic sites and museums and made recommendations which were 
embodied by the state superintendent of public instruction in recent letters 
sent to all public school superintendents. 

At the end of 1965 visitation figures were compiled for the nine historic 
sites as follows : 







Fort Fisher 




Town Creek 


Bennett Place 








Division of Museums 

The Tarheel Junior Historian Association membership for 1965-1966 
numbers 102 clubs with 3,262 members. The December issue of Tarheel 
Junior Historian, featuring "Early Churches in North Carolina," was 
distributed to members and to libraries requesting copies. 

Funds have been made available for the reproduction of aged film 
and prints of the museum's collection. Prints made from the aged film 
will be copied on safety film. As a result of this project, private collections 
were contributed by Mr. J. C. Knowles, Mr. Otis Puryear, and Mrs. Marion 
Aretakis (the Polk Denmark Collection). 

Mr. Robert W. Jones, publicity department, Carolina Power and Light 
Company, visited the Preservation Laboratory, Fort Fisher, in December 
and prepared a feature story for release to newspapers in North and 
South Carolina, and for the Carolina Power and Light newsletter, Spot- 

Mr. Mickey Elmore, East Carolina College student, has volunteered his 
services to restore the early phonographs in the museum. Construction 
of exhibits for the Governor Richard Caswell memorial visitor center- 
museum was begun, and work is being continued on designs for the James 
K. Polk birthplace and Brunswick Town visitor center-museum. A new 
design for the Mobile Museum of History which will facilitate the show- 
ing of a larger collection of artifacts has been completed and so have 
schematic drawings for the Federal Room in the North Carolina Museum 
of History. 

A Christmas exhibit of late-nineteenth-century toys was incorporated 
in the Victorian Village scene of the museum; the exhibit was designed 
and executed by the Meredith College students under the guidance of the 
museums staff. An article about Christmas toys in the museum collection 
appeared in the Raleigh Times. 

248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Division of Publications 

Volume III of The John Gray Blount Papers covers the years 1796- 
1802 and is edited by Dr. William H. Masterson of Rice University. Copies 
of this book are now available for $5.00 plus a 25-cent handling charge on 
mail orders. Volumes I and II in this series, edited by Dr. Alice B. Keith, 
are still in print and are $3.00 each plus handling charge. 

Receipts for the fourth quarter of 1965 totaled $7,287 with $5,519 
being retained by the department and $1,768 being turned over the North 
Carolina Literary and Historical Association. Publications distributed 
during the period included 187 documentary volumes; 328 small books; 
9 governors' letter books : 5,032 pamphlets, charts, and maps ; 4 copies of 
the Index to the Review ; 175 back issues of the Review ; 3,575 leaflets and 
and brochures; and 2,181 copies of the list of publications of the depart- 
ment. Twenty-six copies of Confederate Centennial Commission publi- 
cations were sold. Not included in the total of 11,517 were 2,088 copies of 
the November and 2,185 copies of the January issues of Carolina Com- 
ments. The Winter, 1966, issue of the North Carolina Historical Review 
was mailed to 2,003. 

Material for Volume X of Records of the Moravians in North Carolina 
has been taken to the printer. Copy for the Sanford Letter Book has also 
been taken to the printer; it is hoped that both volumes will be published 
before the end of 1966. 

The footnote sample sheets which are used to supplement the Editor's 
Handbook were revised late in the fall. Persons submitting material for 
consideration by the Editorial Board for possible publication in the 
Review are urged to obtain these guides before sending their manuscripts 
to the department. 

Colonial Records Project 

The Colonial Records Project has been moved to the former Heart 
of Raleigh motel building, 227 East Edenton Street. The additional space 
has made it possible to expand the staff to seven employees. Editorial 
work on seventeenth-century court records is in progress, and effort is 
being made to have the manuscript ready for the printer by July. 

The Advisory Editorial Board for the project met in Chapel Hill, 
December 9. Plans and policies for publication were discussed, with 
emphasis on a volume of seventeenth-century court records. The members 
of the board are Drs. John Alden and Robert H. Woody, professors of 
history, Duke University; Drs. Cecil Johnson and Hugh T. Lefler, pro- 
fessors of history, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Mr. 
Lambert Davis, director, University of North Carolina Press ; Mr. William 
S. Powell, librarian, North Carolina Collection, University of North Caro- 
lina at Chapel Hill; Mr. David Stick, historian and author, Kitty Hawk; 
Dr. Lester J. Cappon, director, Institute of Early American History and 
Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia; Dr. W. Edwin Hemphill, editor, Papers 
of John C. Calhoun, Columbia, South Carolina. 

Historical News 249 


The Department of History at East Carolina College has established 
the East Carolina Manuscript Collection in the college library. Professor 
Charles L. Price, director, is being assisted by Professors Fred D. Ragan 
and Henry C. Ferrell, Jr. The collection will emphasize tobacco and busi- 
ness records and will include an oral history project. 

Fourteen students from Meredith College completed a one-semester 
introductory course in Archives by working in the four divisions of the 
State Department of Archives and History. 

Queens College announced that Dr. Norris Preyer will be on a year's 
leave of absence, starting September, 1966, doing study and research at 
the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and at Duke University. 
Dr. Renville Lund, whose specialty is Far Eastern history, will be added 
to the faculty in September, 1966. 

Dr. Burton F. Beers of North Carolina State University at Raleigh, 
with Dr. Paul H. Clyde, Duke University, are authors of The Far East: 
The Western Impact and the Eastern Response, 1930-1965, published 
January, 1966, by Prentice-Hall. At the meeting of the American Histori- 
cal Association in San Francisco, December, 1965, Dr. Beers read a paper, 
"Disarmament in the Pacific : The United States and Japan in the 1920's." 
Dr. John M. Riddle published an article, "The Introduction and Use of 
Eastern Drugs in the Early Middle Ages," in Sidhoffs Archiv filr 
Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaftern for June, 1965. He 
also participated in a colloquium on problems in the history of pharmacy 
sponsored by the American Institute of the History of Pharmacy at 
Madison, Wisconsin, January 21-23, 1966. Mr. Charles F. Kolb, for seven- 
teen years a member of the Department of History, has been appointed 
assistant director of the Division of Continuing Education in charge of 
curricular affairs and summer sessions. Part-time instructors during the 
academic year 1965-1966 include : Mr. Merrill G. Cole, Mr. John W. Fur- 
low, Jr., Mr. Evan D. Hines, Jr., Mr. Bertrand F. Jarvis, Mr. William A. 
Neustadt, Mr. Demetrois F. Nixon, Mr. Robert G. Sherer, Mr. J. Stanley 
Sieber, and Mr. Anthony R. Strickland. 


The Roanoke Island Historical Association opened the sessions of 
Culture Week, November 30, with a luncheon at the Hotel Sir Walter 
in Raleigh. Officers re-elected for a two-year term were Mrs. Fred W. 
Morrison, Washington, D. C, chairman; Mrs. J. E. Winslow, Hertford, 
vice-chairman; Mrs. Burwell Evans, Manteo, secretary; Mr. Chauncey S. 
Meekins, Manteo, treasurer; Mr. William S. Powell, Chapel Hill, his- 
torian. Mr. John W. Fox, Manteo, general manager of The Lost Colony, 
gave a report on the 1965 season. A fashion show featuring costumes 

250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the drama was narrated by Miss Irene Smart Rains, costumer for 
the company. Paradise Preserved, published by the University of North 
Carolina Press, was written by Mr. William S. Powell, librarian, North 
Carolina Collection in the Library of the University of North Carolina 
at Chapel Hill. The book gives the history of the Roanoke Island Histori- 
cal Association, including the history of the development of Fort Raleigh 
as a National Historic Site and of The Lost Colony by Mr. Paul Green 
as the first outdoor symphonic drama in America. Mr. Powell presented 
the first copy of the book to Mrs. Dan K. Moore. Mr. Karl T. Gilbert, 
superintendent of Cape Hatteras National Seashore Park, reported that 
the Fort Raleigh Development Program will be completed by May 1. 
The program included new approaches, parking area, visitors' center, 
headquarters for the Park Service, maintenance area, underground utili- 
ties, and various other new installations. At the meeting of the board of 
directors following the luncheon, Dr. Frank P. Graham, New York, was 
named honorary vice-chairman. 

The ninth annual Music Day, sponsored by the North Carolina Feder- 
ation of Music Clubs, was held December 1. A concert at the Governor's 
Mansion prior to the reception held by Governor and Mrs. Dan K. Moore 
for members of all societies meeting during Culture Week featured the 
Ciompi Quartet, and the Men's Glee Club of the University of North 
Carolina at Chapel Hill. Mrs. Arvids Snornieks, New Bern, president, 
presided at the annual banquet. Mrs. Maurice Honigman, Gastonia, presi- 
dent-elect of the National Federation, spoke briefly. Mr. Henry Janiec, 
Converse College, Spartanburg, South Carolina, and artistic director, 
Brevard Music Center, Brevard, was the featured speaker. Major John 
F. Yesulaitis, Music Department of the University of North Carolina at 
Chapel Hill, announced the winners of the federation's Senior Composers' 
Competition. In the Professional Class — Vocal — winners were: first, Dr. 
Arthur Hunkins, Greensboro, for "Tloria"; second, Mrs. Doana Robert- 
son, Mars Hill, for "Create in Me a Clean Heart"; honorable mention, 
Mr. Edwin Michael Hoffman, Black Mountain, for "Hymn for Sequoyah." 
In the Professional Class — Instrumental — winners were: first, Mrs. J. 
Harold Campbell for "In the Beginning Was the Word"; second, Miss 
Beth Kessell, Asheboro, for "If One Should Wander" ; honorable mention, 
Mrs. E. Harold Eaton, Burlington, and Mrs. Jacqueline B. Hairston, Char- 
lotte. In the Nonprofessional Class — Instrumental — winners were: first, 
Mrs. Wilbur Cooper for "Oh, Lamb of God" ; second, Mrs. R. E. Yongue, 
Laurinburg, for "Petite Fantasie"; honorable mention, Mrs. Lorraine M. 
Barber, High Point. The evening musical program featured Miss Jane 
Winfield Reich, pianist and Young Artist Winner for 1965; the Men's 
Glee Club of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill ; and mem- 
bers of the National Opera Company under the direction of Mr. David 

On December 1 the thirty-ninth annual meeting of the North Carolina 
State Art Society was held in Raleigh. The following officers and directors 
were elected : Mrs. George W. Paschal, Jr., Raleigh, president ; Mrs. Cyrus 

Historical News 251 

D. Hogue, Jr., Wilmington, vice-president; Mrs. Charles Lee Smith, 
Raleigh, secretary-treasurer ; Mrs. J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Jr., Raleigh, execu- 
tive secretary ; Mr. Alex Andrews, Raleigh, Mrs. Doak Finch, Thomasville, 
Mr. Ernest Hamill, Asheville, and Mrs. Gordon Hanes, Winston-Salem, 
directors. State Art Supervisor Perry Kelly reported on the project 
to provide four tour grants, on a matching basis, for outstanding high 
school teachers of art to visit major museums and galleries in New York. 
Reporting on the North Carolina Collectors' Society, Mr. Alex Andrews 
said that Mr. Henry Lewis, Chapel Hill, will become chairman of the 
group. Future activities include a special art trip to New York, an art- 
for-sale show in North Carolina, and a collectors' show. Dr. Justus Bier, 
director of the Museum of Art reported on recent acquisitions. Mr. Ralph 
P. Hanes, speaking at the luncheon, told of plans for the year-long 
bicentennial celebration of the founding of Salem in 1766 ; as part of the 
celebration, the 1966 Culture Week will be held in Winston-Salem. An 
art kit containing slides of museum works and lecture materials was pre- 
sented the Cumberland County Library as a gift from the Mamie Elliott 
London Fund. The evening meeting featured an address by Mr. Roger 
Stevens, who is chairman of the National Council of the Arts, and of the 
Board of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Arts, as well as special ad- 
viser on the arts to President Lyndon B. Johnson. Awards were presented 
to the winners in the 1965 North Carolina Artists' Annual Competition. 
Mr. Horace Farlowe, art instructor at Bennett College, Greensboro, won 
the first prize of $1,000 for a sculpture entry titled "Limestone." The $750 
Harrelson Award went to Miss Ann Carter Pollard, Winston-Salem, and 
Mr. Frank Tolar, Jr., Greensboro. Three second prizes of $500 each were 
awarded to Mr. L. V. Huggins, Chapel Hill; Miss Caroline Montague, 
Greenville; and Mr. Robert Partin, Greensboro. Honorable mentions of 
$50 each went to Mr. George Bireline, Raleigh; Mr. Robert Harvey, now 
of Los Angeles; and Miss Edith London, Durham. The Raleigh Woman's 
Club Scholarship was awarded to Miss Deanna Bland of the University 
of North Carolina at Greensboro; the $75 Print and Drawing Award of 
the Print and Drawing Society of North Carolina was won by Mr. Larry 
Blizard, New York; the art society's $75 Print Award was won by Mrs. 
Thelma Bennett, Winston-Salem. Following the evening session, there was 
a reception and a preview of the exhibition at the North Carolina Museum 
of Art. The exhibition remained on view through January 2. 

The Associated Artists of North Carolina held a subscription dinner for 
members of all the societies on December 1 at the Hotel Sir Walter. The 
officers are Mrs. Peter W. Hairston, Advance, president; Mr. Leonard 
White, Chapel Hill, vice-president; Mrs. James Ficklen, Jr., Greenville, 
secretary; Mrs. Ruth A. Clarke, Greensboro, treasurer; and Mrs. Mackey 
Jeffries, Greensboro, executive secretary. 

The North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities held its 
twenty-fifth annual meeting December 2. The following officers were 
elected : Mrs. Horace P. Robinson, Littleton, president ; Mr. Harry Gatton, 
Raleigh, vice-president; and Mrs. A. F. Sams, Statesville, vice-president 

252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the Ninth Congressional District; and Mrs. Ernest A. Branch, 
Raleigh, secretary-treasurer. Reports on Preservation Projects were given 
as follows : Historic Beaufort, Dr. John Costlow, Beaufort ; Historic Eden- 
ton, Dr. Robert Lee Humber, Greenville; Historic Hillsborough, Mrs. 
Alfred Engstrom, Hillsborough ; Old Salem, Mr. James A. Gray, Winston- 
Salem; Historic Halifax, Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson, Raleigh; Tryon Palace, 
Mrs. John A. Kellenberger, Greensboro; Davidson's Fort, Mr. Clyde Hor- 
ton, Old Fort; Old Stone House, Mr. E. L. Hardin, Salisbury; Allen House, 
Mr. George Colclough, Burlington; "Fort Defiance," Mrs. Mildred Mc- 
Dowell Jones, Lenoir; Carson House, Mrs. John L. Henderson, Salisbury; 
and Historic "Hope," Mr. John E. Tyler, Roxobel. Mr. W. S. Tarlton, 
Raleigh, reported on other restorations including Hezekiah Alexander 
House, Charlotte; Wake Forest College Birthplace, Wake Forest; Latimer 
House, Wilmington ; Mr. and Mrs. Harry Gatton's house, the old Pinckney 
Chambers House, in Iredell County; Mr. and Mrs. Frank Stephenson's 
house, Murf reesboro ; and the Murfree House, Murfreesboro. The society 
voted to donate $200 toward the restoration of "Hope," the home of Gov- 
ernor David Stone in Bertie County; the same amount toward the resto- 
ration of the Allen House on Alamance Battleground; and $25 toward 
preservation of the "Henry Clay Oak," Raleigh. The luncheon speaker was 
Mr. J. C. Harrington, National Park Service, Richmond, Virginia, who 
spoke on "New Discoveries at Fort Raleigh." 

At the evening meeting the Charles A. Cannon Awards for excellence 
in historic preservation were presented to Mr. and Mrs. Fred W. Morri- 
son, Washington, D. C, for their work on Roanoke Island ; Mrs. Alfred G. 
Engstrom, Hillsborough, chairman of Historic Hillsborough; and Dr. 
John Costlow, Beaufort, head of the Beaufort Restoration. A feature of 
the program was a puppet show titled "Landmark Tour of Raleigh" 
written and presented by the seventh grade students of Martin Junior 
High School under the direction of Mrs. Frank Harrelson. Mr. Edmund 
Harding, Washington, N. C, a former president of the society gave a 
series of reminiscences. A reception for members and their guests fol- 
lowed the evening meeting. 

The North Carolina Museums Council met December 2 with Mr. Frank 
Walsh presiding. The following officers were elected: Mr. Russell I. 
Teithman, Charlotte, president; Mrs. May Davis Hill, Raleigh and 
Chapel Hill, vice-president; Mr. William J. Moore, Greensboro, secretary- 
treasurer. Elected to the board were Mr. N. B. Bragg, Winston-Salem, 
representing history museums, and Mrs. Mae Woods Bell, Rocky Mount, 
representing children's museums. Members of the council would like to 
find a way whereby the public school buses could be used to take students 
to the state's historic sites, museums, and other places of educational 

The executive committee of the North Carolina Symphony Society 
held its annual dinner meeting December 2. Mr. William H. Westphal 
presided and reports were made about the twenty-first annual tour, 1966, 
and "New Horizons." 

Historical News 253 

The sixty-fifth meeting of the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association was held December 3. The following officers were elected: 
Dr. Richard L. Watson, Jr., Durham, president; Dr. Bruce E. Whitaker, 
Murfreesboro, Mr. H. C. Bradshaw, Durham, and Mr. Sam Ragan, Raleigh, 
vice-presidents; Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Raleigh, secretary-treasurer. 
Mr. Holt McPherson, High Point, and Dr. Paul Murray, Greenville, were 
elected to the executive committee for three-year terms. Mr. Roy A. Riggs, 
Asheville, reviewed North Carolina fiction of the year and Dr. Henry 
S. Stroupe, Winston-Salem, reviewed nonfiction of the year. Mr. Lambert 
Davis, Chapel Hill, spoke on "North Carolina and Its University Press." 
The R. D. W. Connor Award for the best article published in the North 
Carolina Historical Review was presented to Dr. Richard L. Watson, Jr., 
Duke University, for his article, "A Southern Democratic Primary: Sim- 
mons vs. Bailey in 1930," which appeared in the Winter, 1965, issue. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Raleigh, council member of the American Associ- 
ation for State and Local History Awards, presented awards given by 
the association to North Carolinians. Branch Banking and Trust Com- 
pany, Raleigh, won a Certificate of Commendation for its series of 
exhibits on the history of Raleigh at the bank's construction site. The 
exhibits later were published as a pictorial booklet. Mr. James Reid, vice- 
president of the local bank, initiated the idea and Mrs. Reid did most of 
the research and writing. The award was received by Mr. Reid and Mr. 
J. L. Satchwell, Wilson, president. The North Carolina Confederate Cen- 
tennial Commission won an Award of Merit for its work during 1960- 
1965 commemorating the centennial of the War Between the States. 
Colonel Hugh Dortch, Goldsboro, headed the commission. The award was 
received by Mr. Norman C. Larson, now of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, who 
served as executive secretary of the commission. Mr. Frank L. Horton, 
Winston-Salem, won an Award of Merit for his contribution to American 
history in establishing the Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts 
in Winston-Salem. Mr. Earl Weatherly, Greensboro, won a Certificate of 
Commendation for leadership in improving and enlarging the Greensboro 
Historical Museum. The award was received by Mr. McDaniel Lewis, 
Greensboro, on behalf of Mr. Weatherly who was unable to be present 
because of illness. 

Mr. Glenn Tucker, president, presided at the luncheon meeting. Mr. 
Stanley A. South, Wilmington, spoke on "Searching for Clues to History 
Through Historic Site Archaeology." The Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award 
which was won by the late Randall Jarrell, Greensboro, for his volume, 
The Lost World; was received by Mrs. Jarrell. Mrs. E. J. Kratt, Charlotte, 
presented the American Association of University Women Juvenile Litera- 
ture Award to Mr. Alexander Key, Franklin, for his book, The Forgotten 
Door. Secretary of State Thad Eure presented the Tarheel Junior His- 
torian Association Awards to the following: Literary Division, Stephen 
Cabarrus Chapter at the Harrisburg School, Harrisburg, Silk Hope High 
School, Siler City, and Mount Olive School; Individual Literary Division, 
Lane Welles, Martin Junior High School, Raleigh, Gary Melton, Granite 
Quarry Elementary School ; Arts Division, Junior Historians of Silk Hope 
High School, Siler City, Hudson Elementary School, Granite Quarry. 

254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mr. Henry W. Lewis, Chapel Hill, presided at the dinner meeting. Mr. 
Glenn Tucker gave the presidential address titled "For the Want of a 
Scribe." Governor Dan K. Moore presided at the evening meeting which 
commemorated the bicentennial of Lower Cape Fear resistance to the 
Stamp Act, 1765. Dr. Lawrence Lee, Charleston, South Carolina, spoke on 
"Days of Defiance : Resistance to the Stamp Tax in the Lower Cape Fear." 

Dr. Sturgis E. Leavitt, Chapel Hill, presented to Mr. John Ehle, Winston- 
Salem, the Mayflower Cup for his book, The Free Men, an account of civil 
rights demonstrations in Chapel Hill. The award for nonfiction is spon- 
sored by the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of North 
Carolina. Mrs. John Harden, Greensboro, presented the Sir Walter 
Raleigh Award for fiction to Mrs. Doris Betts, Sanford, for her novel, 
The Scarlet Thread, about a family in Piedmont North Carolina during 
the 1890*8 and the changes brought in the pattern of life in an isolated 
community with the establishment of a cotton mill. The Historical Book 
Club of Greensboro makes the award annually for the best book of fiction 
published during the year. 

Following the evening session, a reception was held for members and 
their guests. 

The fifty-fourth annual session of the North Carolina Folklore Society 
was held December 3 with Dr. Holgar 0. Nygard, Durham, presiding. 
Mr. Rossell Hope Robins, Saugerties, New York, spoke on "The Witches' 
Coven." Mr. Alan A. Jabbour, Jacksonville, Florida, presented "Fiddle 
Tunes from the Piedmont." A film presentation of White Spirituals from 
William Walker's Christian Harmony featured Mrs. Edith Card and the 
Christian Harmony Singers of Etowah. 

On December 4 the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of 
North Carolina held its annual breakfast honoring the society's officers 
and the winner of the Mayflower Award. 

Mrs. C. W. Nixon, Stanley, presided at the annual meeting of the North 
Carolina Poetry Society December 4. The following officers were elected: 
Mrs. Nixon, president; Mrs. Charles Oakes, Burlington, vice-president; 
Mrs. D. E. Rorie, Charlotte, secretary; Miss Mary Louise Medley, Wades- 
boro, treasurer. Reports were made on the work of the North Carolina 
Poetry Society and of the Poetry Council of North Carolina. Miss Chris- 
tine Sloan, Gastonia, read winning poems in the North Carolina Poetry 
Society General and Sonnet Contests, 1965, and Mrs. Emily S. Councilman, 
Burlington, read winning poems in the society's Brotherhood Contest, 
1965. Mr. H. Glen Lanier read selected poems from the Poetry Council 
Contests, 1965. Miss Charlotte Young presented the Oscar Arnold Young 
trophy for the best collection of poetry published by a North Carolinian 
in the past year to Mr. Sam Ragan, Raleigh, for his book, The Tree in the 
Far Pasture, Following the presentation Mr. Ragan spoke about poetry. 

The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of 
County and Local Historians was held December 4 with Mr. Edwin S. 
Dougherty, Boone, presiding. Mr. Phillips Russell, Chapel Hill, paid tri- 

Historical News 255 

bute to the late Dr. W. P. Jacocks of Chapel Hill and Bertie County. 
Officers elected were Mr. Dougherty, president ; Mrs. Ina W. Van Noppen, 
Boone, secretary-treasurer; Miss Mary Louise Medley, Wadesboro, Miss 
Lena Mae Williams, Chapel Hill, and Mr. Hugh Johnson, Wilson, vice- 
presidents. The Willie Parker Peace Cup was awarded to Dr. Lawrence 
Lee, Charleston, South Carolina, for his volume, The Lower Cape Fear 
in Colonial Days. The Peace Cup is awarded every two years for the 
best North Carolina history or biography written by a North Carolinian. 
Mr. Charles Dunn, Durham, presented the Smithwick Newspaper Award 
to Mrs. Margaret McMahan, Fayetteville, for the best article published 
in a newspaper during the past year. Her article which appeared in the 
Fayetteville Observer was titled "Johnston Left His Mark on North 
Carolina History." Other winners were Dr. Thomas C. Parramore, Raleigh, 
for an article in the Chowan Herald of Edenton titled "History of Chowan 
County," and Mr. Herbert O'Keef, Raleigh, for an article in the Raleigh 
Times titled "Lonely Men Gave City to Sherman." The Hodges High 
School Award was not presented this year. Mr. Ben Williams, curator 
of the North Carolina Museum of Art, spoke on "The Growth of North 
Carolina Pottery Making." At the society's luncheon meeting, Dr. H. G. 
Jones, state archivist, spoke on "Stephen B. Weeks, North Carolina's 
Greatest Book Collector." 

Mrs. Goldie L. Niblett, president, Barker House Association, reports 
that the third floor of the Penelope Barker House in Edenton has been 
restored with $2,900 appropriated by the 1965 General Assembly. 

The Beaufort Historical Association met November 22 with Dr. John 
D. Costlow, president, presiding. The Beaufort Garden Club decorated a 
portion of the Bell House as it might have been decorated for Christmas 
more than a century ago. When restoration is completed, the house will 
be opened to the public. Mr. Odell Merrill spoke on the history of the 
Thomas House at the meeting of the association January 29. Mr. John 
Mease reported on the work on the Bell House. 

The Bladen County Historical Society met November 11 at Elizabeth- 
town. Mr. F. K. Rogers, president, presided. Mr. Chatham C. Clark, chair- 
man of the Harmony Hall Restoration Committee, reported that the 
restoration fund has reached $1,133. This will qualify the group for a 
Richardson Foundation Grant of $1,000. 

The Caldwell County Historical Society has recently acquired "Fort 
Defiance," a house built in 1789 by General William Lenoir. It is the oldest 
house in Caldwell County — older by fifty years than the county itself. 
Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Lenoir, the present owners and occupants, who are 
descendants of General Lenoir, have agreed that the house, including 
furnishings and five acres, should belong to the public; the society pur- 
chased the property for $15,000. The cost of restoration is expected to 
be between $35,000 and $40,000. The General Assembly voted $20,000 

256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the restoration and the Richardson Foundation made available $5,000 
when the purchase price was secured. 

The Caswell County Historical Association met at Yanceyville Decem- 
ber 1 with Mr. S. E. Walker, president, presiding. A letter from the 
regional librarian, Mr. David Flick, advised the association of the avail- 
ability of a room in the Gunn Memorial Library for the preservation of 
historical records. The following officers were elected: Mr. J. B. Blaylock, 
president; Mrs. L. B. Satterfield, vice-president, Mrs. B. P. Miles, secre- 

The Catawba County Historical Association met February 2 at Newton. 
Mr. G. Sam Rowe, Sr., announced a gift to the museum of an early Stein- 
way grand piano from Mrs. J. W. Self of Lenoir and Lexington. Mr. J. Paul 
Wagner gave a program on Catawba County pottery making. 

Mr. Henry Wiseman Kendall, retired editor of the Greensboro Daily 
News, spoke to the Cleveland County Historical Society in Shelby Novem- 
ber 23. He stressed the importance of history in understanding present 
issues. The following officers were elected : Mr. James P. Allen, president ; 
Mrs. B. A. Harry, Mr. David Beam, and Mr. George Blanton, Jr., vice- 
presidents; Mrs. Ruth Hamrick, Jr., secretary; Mrs. Pansy B. Fetzer, 
treasurer; and Mr. Cecil Dickson, custodian. 

The Franklin Academy Restoration Committee and the Franklin County 
Historical Society exceeded the goal of raising $2,000 locally to insure a 
$1,000 grant from the Richardson Foundation for the restoration of the 
old Academy Building. Dr. Gerald Shinn is chairman of the restoration 
committee, and Professor Linley Butler is president of the society. 

The Gaston County Historical Society met November 21 in Gastonia 
with Mr. Brice T. Dickson, president, presiding. The following officers 
were elected: Mr. William N. Craig, president; Mr. Clark Starnes, Jr., 
Gastonia, vice-president ; Miss Pearl Lineberger, Belmont, and Mrs. Robert 
Smith, Lowell, secretaries; Mr. Willis Holland, Mt. Holly, treasurer; Mr. 
Dalton Stowe, Dallas, historian, and Mrs. William N. Craig, bulletin editor. 
A film on interesting and unusual legends of North Carolina was shown. 

On November 16 the Halifax Restoration Association, Inc., met in 
Raleigh. Mr. Larry Sabiston, community planner, Department of Conser- 
vation and Development, reported on the Halifax town planning project 
sponsored jointly by the town, association, and federal government. Mr. 
Richard W. Iobst reported on his research on Historic Halifax. The fol- 
lowing officers were elected : Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson and Mr. W. R. Caudle, 
co-chairmen; Mr. F. H. Gregory, Jr., treasurer; and Mrs. W. Turner 
Stephenson, secretary. Mrs. Thorne Gregory was appointed state chairman 
of the membership drive. Halifax Day — the one hundred ninetieth anni- 

Historical News 257 

versary of the Halifax Resolves — will be commemorated with an all-day 
program April 10 and a memorial program April 12. 

The Hastings House Association, Inc., met January 20 in Smithfield. 
Mrs. Denton F. Lee, president, urged participation in the restoration of 
the Hastings House, which has been moved to a new location. Mrs. Horace 
P. Robinson, president of the North Carolina Society for the Preservation 
of Antiquities, spoke on "Restorations in North Carolina and What They 
Mean to Our State." Mr. A. L. Honey cutt, Jr., spoke briefly about the 
restoration of the Hastings House. The following officers were elected: 
Mrs. Stratton R. Story, president; Mr. William A. Creech, Mrs. Marvin 
Taylor, and Mr. C. S. Coats, vice-presidents; and Mrs. William Barnes, 

The Haywood County Historical Society board of directors met Decem- 
ber 5 in Canton with Mr. Frank Rogers, president, presiding. Committee 
reports and plans were heard. Funds are needed to obtain a farm with a 
dwelling house and other structures commonly used by early settlers. The 
farm would be reconstructed as a museum to display items and artifacts 
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 

The Historic Hillsborough Commission honored new members at a 
dinner meeting November 19 in Hillsborough. Mrs. Alfred G. Engstrom, 
chairman, presided. Judge L. J. Phipps, Chapel Hill, was elected vice- 
chairman replacing Senator Voit Gilmore who resigned. Judge Phipps, 
long associated with historic preservation in Orange County, is the legal 
and legislative chairman of the commission. The "Friends of Historic 
Hillsborough" raised more than $14,000 which qualified the commission 
for a $7,000 Richardson Foundation grant to be used in the restoration 
of the Burwell School. "Historic Hillsborough" was the subject of the 
entire October issue of the North Carolina Architect published by the 
North Carolina Chapter of the American Institute of Architects. The 
Hillsborough issue was co-ordinated and edited by Professor Vernon 
Shogren of the School of Design, North Carolina State University. The 
guest speaker of the evening was Mr. Frank Horton, Winston-Salem, re- 
search director of Old Salem, who showed slides of the Museum of Early 
Southern Decorative Arts. The museum of fifteen period rooms, recently 
featured in Antiques Magazine, was assembled and given to Old Salem by 
Mr. Horton and his mother. 

The Hillsborough Historical Society met January 17. Professor Louise 
Hall, Duke University, spoke on "The Winchester 'Dig': UNC-Duke, 

Mr. Wayland L. Jenkins, Jr., chairman, and Mr. John E. Tyler, vice- 
chairman of Historic Hope Foundation, Inc., announced that the drive to 
raise funds for the purchase and restoration of "Hope" House has sur- 
passed the goal of $15,000 needed to qualify for a $5,000 grant from the 
Richardson Foundation and a $20,000 grant from the General Assembly. 

258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mrs. Wood Privott, president of the James Iredell Association, Inc., 
Edenton, reports that $3,000 has been realized from the recent member- 
ship drive. These funds will be used in the restoration and furnishing of 
the Iredell House. The formal garden has been relocated on the original 
Iredell lot, and the outbuildings are being restored. The State Highway- 
Commission has agreed to pave driveways and the parking area. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society met November 17 at Wilming- 
ton. Dr. Herbert R. Paschal, East Carolina College, Greenville, spoke on 
the Stamp Act. The board of directors met January 24 ; Mr. R. V. Asbury, 
Jr., was elected president and the Reverend Mortimer Glover vice-presi- 
dent. The Sarah Graham Kenan Foundation recently presented the society 
a $5,000 gift for restoration of the Latimer House. This qualifies the 
group for a Richardson Foundation grant of $2,000. Mr. Leslie N. Boney, 
a past president of the society, reported that Wilmington and its historical 
district will be featured in a new government publication on historical 
preservation being assembled by the Department of Housing and Urban 

The Moore County Historical Association met November 16 in Southern 
Pines. Mr. H. Clifton Blue, president, presided. Mr. J. Atwood Whitman, 
consulting forester of Carthage, presented a program of slides titled 
"Visual Vestiges of the Past in Moore County." Mr. W. Lamont Brown 
read a memorial tribute to United Nations Ambassador Adlai Stevenson, 
brother of Mrs. Ernest L. Ives. The association met January 25 in South- 
ern Pines; Mrs. Ives was in charge of the program. Mrs. Gettys Guille, 
Salisbury, director of the Rowan Museum, showed color slides of the 
museum, which is a historic house, and of the Old Stone House, which 
was built in 1766. 

The annual meeting of the Moores Creek Battleground Association was 
held at Moores Creek Military Park November 23. Mr. J. Vivian Whitfield, 
president, presided. Mr. Russell Gibbs, superintendent, Moores Creek Na- 
tional Park, reported that construction of the $79,000 park pavilion will 
be completed in February. The main address was delivered by Mrs. Dan 
K. Moore, who was introduced by Congressman David N. Henderson. Mrs. 
Moore attributed to the historical groups the increased interest in North 
Carolina's past and urged that the "rich and proud heritage" be made a 
"living part of the North Carolina scene." She commended the State 
Department of Archives and History for the establishment of thirteen 
historic sites "ranging from Fort Fisher and Brunswick Town in the east 
to the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace in the west." 

The Perquimans County Historical Society met January 24 at Hertford. 
Mr. Ray Winslow was in charge of the program. The society is consider- 
ing restoration of the White House near Hertford. On February 2 Mr. 
A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., State Department of Archives and History, met with 
Mrs. J. Emmett Winslow, Captain N. S. Fulford, and Mr. W. C. Dozier 
to inspect the house. 

Historical News 259 

The Pitt County Historical Society met November 18 at Greenville. Mr. 
James S. Jenkins, author of Pitt County at the Turn of the Century, dis- 
cussed Pitt County in contemporary history. Dr. Robert Lee Humber, 
president, presided at the meeting January 20 when Dr. Albert L. Diket, 
East Carolina College, spoke on the part that Pitt County played in the 
War Between the States. 

The directors of the Railroad House Historical Association met Decem- 
ber 1 at Sanford. Mr. F. Crom Lennon, president, presided. Open house 
was held December 5 at the restored Railroad House on Depot Square. 
Mr. Frank Joyce, chairman of the restoration committee, explained to 
visitors the significance of the furnishings. Sanford's oldest residence will 
be used as the new office of the Chamber of Commerce. The association 
held its annual dinner meeting February 14. Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., 
talked about state and local restorations. The following officers were 
elected: Mr. Herbert M. Gibson, president; Mr. J. E. Walker, vice- 
president ; Mr. Sam L. Ellis, treasurer ; and Mrs. L. P. Cox, Sr., secretary. 

The Wake Forest College Birthplace Society, Inc., met November 19 in 
Wake Forest to discuss plans for restoring the interior of the Calvin 
Jones House, which was the first administration building of Wake Forest 
College. Dr. Christopher Crittenden, president, reported that $20,000 would 
be needed for the restoration ; a grant of $5,000 has been received from the 
Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation. The group agreed that work should not 
begin until the money is on hand to complete the project. The following 
officers were re-elected: Dr. Crittenden, president; Mr. John Wooten, 
vice-president ; Mrs. John F. Sanderf ord, secretary ; and Mr. J. L. Warren, 
treasurer. Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., State Department of Archives and 
History, showed color slides of several historic site restorations in North 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association met February 12 at 
Asheville. Dr. Ina Van Noppen told of tentative plans for writing a 
regional history of western North Carolina, and Mrs. Harry Love talked 
on "Superstitions in North Carolina." 

The Wilkes County Historical Association met January 17 in Wilkesboro. 
The following officers were elected : Mr. T. E. Story, president ; Mr. Paul 
Osborne, vice-president; and Mrs. Winnie Duncan, secretary. The group 
will make a summer historical tour of Old Salem, and the historical 
essay contest in the schools of Wilkes County will be continued. Mr. Alan 
Eckhart, librarian for the Appalachian Regional Library, showed a film 
on the many facets of the operation and use of a good library. Mrs. Joye 
E. Jordan, State Department of Archives and History, met with a com- 
mittee from the group to discuss the establishment of a historical museum 
for Wilkes County. 

The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
paper developed through the combined efforts of William J. Barrow 
of the Virginia State Library, the Council on Library Resources, Inc., 
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The Editorial Board of the North Carolina Historical Review is 

iterested in articles and documents pertaining to the history of North 

larolina and adjacent states. Articles on the history of other sections 
lay be submitted, and, if there are ties with North Carolinians or 

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ia history are suitable subject matter for the Review, but materials 

iat are primarily genealogical are not accepted. 

In considering articles, the Editorial Board gives careful attention 

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which the article is written, and the originality of the material and its 
interpretation. Clarity of thought and general interest of the article 
are of importance, though these two considerations would not, of 
course, outweigh inadequate use of sources, incomplete coverage of 
the subject, and inaccurate citations. 

Persons desiring to submit articles for the North Carolina Historical 
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partment of Archives and History. The Handbook contains informa- 
tion on footnote citations and other pertinent facts needed by writers 
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All copy should be double-spaced; footnotes should be typed on 
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Following acceptance of an article, publication will be scheduled in 
accordance with the established policy of the Editorial Board. Since 
usually a large backlog of material is on hand, there will ordinarily be 
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Articles and books for review should be sent to the Division of 
Publications, State Department of Archives and History, Box 1881, 
Raleigh, North Carolina. 



North Carolina State Library 

Sumnten 1966 

The North Carolina Historical Review 

Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor 
Miss Marie D. Moore, Editorial Associate 


John Fries Blair William S. Powell 

Miss Sarah M. Lemmon David Stick 

Henry S. Stroupe 


Josh L. Horne, Chairman 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Ralph P. Hanes 

T. Harry Gatton Hugh T. Lefler 

Fletcher M. Green Edward W. Phifer 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 

This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $4.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $1.00 per number. Out-of-print numbers may 
be obtained from Kraus Reprint Corporation, 16 East 46th Street, New York, New 
York, 10017, or on microfilm from University Microfilms, 313 North First Street, Ann 
Arbor, Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without 
special permission from the editors provided full credit is given to the North Caro- 
lina Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department 
of Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh, North Carolina, 27601. Mailing address is Box 1881, Raleigh, North Carolina, 
27602. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina, 27602. 

COVER — Raleigh's Fire Department, 1890, showing "Championship" 
Volunteer Rescue Steam Fire Engine Company. The building was located 
between the courthouse and Pullen Building, predecessor to the Insurance 
Building. Photograph by Will Wynne lent by Mrs. James W. Reid. For 
an article on Raleigh, see pages 261 to 285. 

North Carolina State Library 

Volume XLIII Published in July, 1966 Number 3 



Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 


Wilton B. Fowler 


Thomas C. Parramore 


Theodore A. Thelander 


Claude E. Flory 




v/ Lee, The Lower Cape Fear in Colonial Days, by Herbert R. Paschal 344 

Mitchell, Legal Aspects of Conscription and Exemption in 

North Carolina, 1861-1865, by Richard Bardolph 345 

HORN, Tennessee's War, 1861-1865: Described by Participants, 

by Holman Hamilton 346 

Isaac, Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 

1885-1920, by Willard B. Gatewood 347 

RICHARDSON, The Negro in the Reconstruction of Florida, 1865-1877, 

by Charles W. Arnade 349 

Griffin, Newspaper Story of a Town: A History of Danville, 

Kentucky, by Robert N. Elliott 349 

Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621, by James K. Huhta 350 

^ Berkeley and Berkeley, The Reverend John Clayton, A Parson with 
a Scientific Mind: His Scientific Writings and Other Related 
Papers, by Robert W. Ramsey 351 

V Wright, The Prose Works of William Byrd of Westover: Narratives 

of a Colonial Virginian, by Carlos R. Allen, Jr 352 

Bargar, Lord Dartmouth and the American Revolution, 

by Barbara Brandon Schnorrenberg 353 

Quinn and Skelton, The Principall Navigations Voiages and 

Discoveries of the English Nation, by William S. Powell 354 

Sachs and Hoogenboom, The Enterprising Colonials: Society on the 

Eve of the Revolution, by Jack P. Greene 356 

v Grant, American Forts : Yesterday and Today, 

by John D. F. Phillips 357 

Wynes, The Negro in the South Since 1865: Selected Essays in 

American Negro History, by W. B. Yearns 359 

Woodard, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, by Paul Murray 359 

Link and Patrick, Writing Southern History: Essays in Historio- 
graphy in Honor of Fletcher M. Green, by Clement Eaton 361 

McCalmon and Moe, Creating Historical Drama: A Guide for the 

Community and the Interested Individual, by Arlin Turner 362 

^Prince, Steam Locomotives and Boats: Southern Railway System, 

by Michael Dunn 363 

McCormick, The Second American Party System: Party Formation 

in the Jacksonian Era, by William S. Hoffmann 364 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. 
Johnson, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and 
Statements of the President, 1963 -196b, by Robert Moats Miller . 365 

Other Recent Publications .366 


By Sarah McCulloh Lemmon* 

The term "New South" calls to mind the spectacular rise of Birming- 
ham and Atlanta, the speeches and writings of Henry Grady and 
"Marse Henry" Watterson, the consolidation of southern railroads, and 
the rise of cotton mills, steel mills, and cigarette factories in the 
Piedmont crescent from Virginia to Alabama. It has been generally 
accepted that the entire South supported the new philosophy, although 
the evidence presented has been confined almost entirely to the Pied- 
mont, in itself not the major portion of the region. 

The question then arises as to the validity of the term "New South" 
if it is applied to all of the former Confederate states. A depth study 
of minor cities and towns, of Coastal Plain and Blue Ridge Mountains, 
should be undertaken to see if for too long historians have let the part 
stand for the whole, or if in fact the old generalization holds true. The 
present study of Raleigh is one such attempt to discover if a small 
town somewhat removed from the chief area of development shared 
the views, the ambitions, and the characteristics of the New South. 

Four characteristics of the New South as generally described will be 
used as guidelines to analyze the changes that took place in Raleigh 
between 1876 and 1895. Disregarding agricultural diversification, 
which would seem inappropriate for an urban area, these are: the 
theme of reconciliation with the North; the quest for industry; the 
beginning of public education; and the improvement and modern- 
ization of cities. Some events and some spokesmen are included even 
though they affected and were affected by Raleigh solely as the capital 
of the state. 

Among the North Carolinians who spoke or inspired remarks ex- 
pressing the hope for reconciliation with the North were United States 
Senator Zebulon B. Vance, Captain Samuel A. Ashe, editor of the 
Raleigh News and Observer, Governor Thomas Jarvis, the Reverend 
Thomas Dixon, Jr., and Governor Thomas M. Holt. Vance pursued a 
course in the Senate which attempted to heal the wounds of the war. 
An admirer from Virginia, after congratulating him on an excellent 
speech, wrote in 1879: 

Dr. Lemmon is professor of history, Meredith College, Raleigh. 

262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I can only express the hope that the genius, with which you are gifted, may 
continue to shed its charming radiance over the hearts and minds of men — 
and in due time, by your influence and that of other patriots, the country 
may be brought back to that happy, fraternal association which will unite 
all sections in an enduring union. 1 

The following year Vance was invited by Tammany Hall to address 
the citizens of New York City on national issues. 2 

Captain Ashe carried on a correspondence with Benjamin S. Pardie, 
of the New England Manufacturers' and Mechanics' Institute, which 
led to the following letter from the latter in 1882: 

If the great end I have in view can be accomplished, viz : a homogeneous 
people and as a necessary corollary — a mighty free republic in which every 
citizen is a sovereign and in which every man is an illustration of Burn's 
[sic] noble idea 

"The gowd is but the guineas stamp 

A man's a man for a* that" 
I shall feel fully paid for labor time & trouble — You and I have been 
through the crucible of war as hundreds of thousands of our brave country- 
men have — We know now the price our forefathers paid for the liberties 
we all enjoy — It is because I believe you, & men of your stamp, love them 
as sincerely as we who wore the blue did, that I have talked frankly to 
you. . . . [The] one solvent for the small remnant of difference between 
the sections is our mutual interest in industrial progress — That will even- 
tually — God grant it may be very soon — terminate the sectional rancor 
that has cankered our body politic, and make our country healthy and 
sound in all its parts — 3 

At the Boston Exposition of 1883 North Carolina had an exhibit, in 
conjunction with which the North Carolina Press Association held its 
annual meeting and invited Governor Jarvis to speak. Because of the 
good reports of his address the Grand Army of the Republic invited 
him to address their body, following which they took him to Con- 
necticut to speak to the organization there. As Ashe later wrote: "Had 
there been any lingering vestiges of unpleasant feeling, they could not 
have survived that fortunate occasion. The fountains of patriotism had 
been struck and the waters gushed forth." 4 

1 Carter M. Louthan to Z. B. Vance, June [?], 1879. Vance Papers, Personal Col- 
lection, Archives, State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, hereinafter 
cited as Vance Papers. 

2 Richard Croker and Bourke Cockerane to Z. B. Vance, October 17, 1880, Vance 

3 Benjamin S. Pardie to Samuel A. Ashe, December 2, 1882, Samuel A. Ashe Papers, 
Archives, hereinafter cited as Ashe Papers. 

* Samuel A'Court Ashe, History of North Carolina (Greensboro: Charles L. Van 
Noppen, Vol. I, 1908; Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton, Vol. II, 1925), II, 1187. 

Raleigh — An Example of the "New South"? 263 

The Reverend Thomas Dixon, Jr., at one time a Raleigh clergyman, 
preached a sermon in New York City in which he anticipated that 
the Farmers' Alliance would reduce sectionalism and help men to 
"forget the bitterness of the past and throw off the curse of traditional 
sectionalism." 5 Edwin A. Alderman was also noted as an exemplar of 
good will toward the North. 6 One of the best examples of this spirit 
was the speech by Governor Holt at the opening of the Southern 
Inter-States Exposition in Raleigh in 1891, in which he said: 

Let all North Carolinians and all Southerners prove themselves worthy 
descendants of the fathers who have glorified Southern annals. Let us take 
by the hand with a cordial grasp the citizens of any other section who 
seek Southern hospitality ... to bring together the people of all sections 
under a common flag, and with aspirations for a common destiny of un- 
paralleled grandeur in this favored Southern land. . . . Loyal to its own 
customs and institutions, true to its honorable past, it would gladly forget 
in the happy career expanding before it that there had ever been occasion 
for drawing the sword. 7 

Thus both North Carolina and Raleigh had their share in furthering 
reconciliation between the South and the North. 

The second point considered characteristic of the New South was 
the growth of manufacturing, the most common instance of which 
was the "cotton mill crusade/' The desire to "out- Yankee the Yankee" 
led to "remission of taxes for a term to encourage the location of a 
plant. . . . [Enterprisers] were cried up as Messiahs, and the general 
public made itself an informal chamber of commerce to advance the 
industry." 8 As early as 1882 a reporter from the Atlantic Monthly 
noted "the extremely happy and satisfied feeling of the manufacturers, 
and their confident hopefulness in regard to their business in the 
future . . . their somewhat exultant and triumphant mood. They are 
. . . extending this industry with great energy and rapidity." He noted 
that offers of more northern capital than they needed were being re- 
ceived. 9 The annual reports on the state of business which were pre- 
sented in the Manufacturers' Record were widely quoted and noted 
in southern newspapers, usually producing such remarks as contained 
in this editorial from the State Chronicle in Raleigh in 1888: 

6 State Chronicle (Raleigh), December 17, 1890, hereinafter cited as State Chronicle. 

8 Dumas Malone, Edwin A. Alderman (New York: Doubleday, 1940), 94, herein- 
after cited as Malone, Edwin A. Alderman. 

7 State Chronicle, October 2, 1891. 

8 Broadus Mitchell and George Sinclair Mitchell, The Industrial Revolution in the 
South (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1930), 11. 

""Studies in the South," Atlantic Monthly, XLIX (June, 1882), 746. 

264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1887 in the way of the increase in numbers and capital invested in manu- 
facturing enterprises in the South has been a most remarkable one. . . . 
Think of it! Two hundred and fifty-six million dollars invested in new 
enterprises in one year ! This is a gratifying showing. . . . 10 

Florence, Alabama; Norfolk, Virginia; and even country villages were 
making their efforts to secure investors who would transform them 
overnight into metropolises, as shown in a half -page advertisement in 
the News and Observer extolling the virtues of Bedford City, Virginia, 
with miles of streets lighted by electricity, factories and mills running 
full time, "The beautiful booming town by the Blue Ridge!" n 

North Carolina took full part in the drive to secure industry. It was 
obvious to the thinking men of the state that water power brought in 
more money than farming. 12 The story dramatically told by the 
Mitchells in The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South and The Industrial 
Revolution in the South need not be repeated here. It was not only 
cotton mills, however; it was much, much more. The furniture industry 
began at High Point in the 1880's; 13 the cottonseed oil industry was 
started; 14 a good quality of china clay was worked beginning in 
1888; 15 and the rise of the bright tobacco industry transformed Dur- 
ham and many another town into busy cities. 16 W. H. Malone wrote 
to Captain Ashe, in support of the proposal that Vance be appointed 
Commissioner of Patents in Washington, "North Carolina is already 
outstripping most of the Southern States in the number of patents on 
new and useful inventions." 1T One bright reporter suggested a new 
industry for the state—the canning of preserved persimmons. 18 There 
was a revival of efforts to mine corundum, mica, monazite, and cop- 
per. 19 The state's first iron and steel mill was built at Greensboro in 
1890. 20 The extension of railroads and their consolidation into the 

10 State Chronicle, January 5, 1888. 

u News and Observer (Raleigh), August 31, 1890, hereinafter cited as News and 

"Broadus Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South (Baltimore: Johns Hop- 
kins Press, 1921), 144, hereinafter cited as Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills. 

"Paul H. Buck, The Road to Reunion (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1938), 179. 

14 New South (Wilmington), December 24, 1882, hereinafter cited as New South. 

15 [James Curtis Ballagh, (ed.)], Economic History, Volume VI of The South in 
the Building of the Nation, edited by Julian Alvin Carroll Chandler and Others 
(Richmond: Southern Historical Publication Society, 12 volumes, c. 1909-1913), 208, 
hereinafter cited as Ballagh, Economic History. 

"Nannie May Tilley, The Bright-Tobacco Industry, 1860-1929 (Chapel Hill: Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1948), passim. A brief summary of the rise of 
Durham, emphasizing its industrial growth, may be found in William Kenneth Boyd, 
The Story of Durham: City of the New South (Durham: Duke University Press, 

17 W. H. Malone to Samuel A. Ashe, December 4, 1884, Ashe Papers. 

w New South, December 24, 1882. 

19 Ballagh, Economic History, 235-237 ; Raleigh Register, March 4, 1885. 

80 State Chronicle, September 2, 1890. 

Raleigh — An Example of the "New South" ? 265 

Southern Railway System and the Seaboard Air Line was proceeding 
rapidly. As a sign of returning prosperity, one editor happily stated 
that "it should serve to encourage all of us in the hope for better 
times." 21 

The city of Raleigh shared in this industrial interest, seeking ear- 
nestly, if not too enthusiastically, to secure new industry. Talk about 
building a cotton factory began as early as 1875, when the editor of 
the Daily Constitution wrote: 

How about that cotton factory? Wilmington has one, Charlotte is thinking 
about establishing one and Raleigh should not be behind the times. Mer- 
chants and capitalists, awake from your lethargy, and see if something 
cannot be done toward adding this improvement to our enterprising city. 22 

Apparently there were no results, for thirteen years later Editor 
Josephus Daniels reported that a meeting had been called to discuss 
the establishment of a cotton factory. 23 Mayor Alfred A. Thompson 
and merchant W. C. Stronach wrote in a letter to the editor: "The 
establishment of a cotton mill here would be of such great advantage 
to the growth of Raleigh, and the interest manifested by many of our 
leading business men in that direction, induces us to call a meeting," 
which was duly held in the mayor's office in January, 1888. Their letter 

If the large amount of capital now invested by our citizens in bonds and 
mortgages could be devoted to the establishment of cotton mills . . . the 
real estate of the city would rapidly increase in value, and hundreds of 
employees would earn a living who now find it very difficult to find em- 
ployment. 24 

Following the meeting, a committee was appointed to collect all the 
needful information on erecting and operating a mill, with ten of the 
city's most prominent citizens serving on it. 25 "All Together," cried 
the State Chronicle, which pointed out that the Durham mills were 
paying 20 per cent dividends, while Concord paid 34 per cent. A mill 
in Raleigh would give jobs to people, who then would spend the money 
in the community. "All the money expended in wages is put into cir- 

21 News and Observer, January 31, 1886. 

22 Daily Constitution (Raleigh), July 9, 1875. 

28 State Chronicle, January 26, 1888. 

24 State Chronicle, January 26, 1888. 

25 State Chronicle, February 2, 1888. The ten were: W. C. Stronach, chairman; 
G. E. Leach, E. B. Barbee, G. Rosenthal, C. E. Johnson, J. J. Thomas, W. S. Prim- 
rose, C. G. Latta, N. B. Broughton, and A. A. Thompson. 

266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

culation, and the merchants secure an increase of trade by reason of 
the amounts paid out to operatives in the factory." "Enterprise begets 
enterprise," continued the Chronicle. "One factory insures the building 
of others." Rhetorically asking if Raleigh could succeed in getting a 
mill, the paper proceeded: 

It will [succeed] if the capitalists of Raleigh will for once pull together. 
It will if those who have money will examine the reports of the cotton mills 
in the State and invest their money where it will pay best. It will if all 
our people will look this question squarely in the face : What is to become 
of Raleigh unless we do something to increase its business? 26 

Yet by September there was still no mill. A Chamber of Industry and 
Commerce, however, had been organized in August of that year; it 
began to push the project. 27 By the following May $62,000 had been 
raised and directors chosen; 28 in July six acres near the railroad were 
purchased, and officers for the company were elected; 29 by March 
of 1890 the building was ready for machinery to be installed. 30 At this 
point the treasurer began having difficulty in collecting money pledged, 
and the following notice appeared in the papers: "A few have not paid 
the full amount due on stock in Raleigh cotton mills. The last install- 
ment was due Apr. 15th and those who have not yet paid are requested 
to do so without further delay." 31 Encouragement was offered by way 
of a gentleman who may have been fictitious. This gentleman was 
reported to have visited the partly completed mill and to have said: 

Now, listen to me : A Raleigh cotton mill can pay just as great a per cent 
as any mill any where, and I want to record a prophecy right here, right 
now, that the Raleigh mill will make as good a report after the first year 
as any mill operated in this whole country. You will see it too. 32 

In spite of this encouragement, in July it became necessary to issue 
$50,000 in 6 per cent bonds to obtain sufficient fluid cash to complete 
the factory and put it into operation. 33 This was followed with addi- 
tional propagandizing to the effect that "the building of the cotton 

28 State Chronicle, February 2, 1888. 

'"State Chronicle, September 14, 1888. 

28 State Chronicle, May 24, 1889. 

29 State Chronicle, July 12, 1889. The officers were: Julius Lewis, president; John H. 
Winder, vice-president; George V. Strong, Jr., secretary-treasurer; and C. H. Belvin, 

30 News and Observer, March 4, 1890. 

31 Daily State Chronicle (Raleigh), April 25, 1890, hereinafter cited as Daily State 
Chronicle. (The weekly State Chronicle continued under the same editorship.) 

32 Daily State Chronicle, May 10, 1890. 

33 Daily State Chronicle, July 19, 1890. 

North Carolina State Library 
Raleigh — An Example of the "New South"? 


Raleigh's first cotton mills began operating in 1890; this picture was taken in 1920. 
Photograph from files of State Department of Archives and History. 

factory, now nearing completion, had just shown Raleigh how to build 
factories"; the opinion of "a big business man" was "that there would 
be another one built here very soon. In fact a movement had already 
begun in that direction." 34 In August, 1890, the mill finally began 
operation, and the superintendent sent the first cotton ever combed 
in Raleigh as a tribute to Josephus Daniels at the Chronicle. Said the 
editor, "It is evidence of the opening of a new industrial era. It means 
employment of people and circulation of money. Boom the mills on 
to colossal success, and may many more mills follow— all success- 
fully." 35 The first shipment was made to Philadelphia in September, 36 
and by October 1,500 pounds of spun yarn were being produced 
daily. 37 The mill was described as "a handsome two-story brick struc- 
ture, ornamented at either corner with imposing towers and equipped 
with the most improved factory machinery." Located in the northwest 
section of the city on the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad, it had 6,000 
spindles, operated eleven hours a day, and was to be surrounded by 

34 Daily State Chronicle, July 19, 1890. 

35 Daily State Chronicle, August 7, 1890. 

86 News and Observer, September 4, 1890. 

87 News and Observer, October 11, 1890. 

268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

company houses for the operatives. 38 Thus began Raleigh's first cotton 
mill, to be followed in the next two years by two others. 39 

One of the means employed to interest foreign capital in southern 
investments was the exposition. The period of the New South was 
noted for its many expositions, among the most famous being the 
International Cotton Exposition in Atlanta in 1881 and the Piedmont 
Exposition in the same city in 1887. The two expositions held in 
Raleigh were not as well known, although "the North Carolina indus- 
trial exhibit, at Raleigh, in 1884, carried on the Atlanta spirit and made 
it local to the State in a way that assisted cotton mill growth." 40 A 
brochure setting forth the plans for the exposition explained that the 
recent display by North Carolina of her products at Boston— the same 
event which led to one of the reconciliation speeches described earlier 
—aroused interest in having one of her own. It was designed to show 
the variety of products in the state, the native woods, minerals, fish- 
eries, cattle, water power and manufactured goods, vacation areas, 
good transportation, and the special advantages of each county. The 
planning committee hoped that as a result of the exposition, North 
Carolina would see that there were no intrastate antagonistic interests, 
capital would spread out around the state, buyers and investors from 
other states would become interested, and farming methods would be 
improved. 41 Erected in the western part of the city near the present 
campus of North Carolina State University, the main building was 
very large, with battlements and flagstaff s. A spur of the railroad ran 
directly into the building to facilitate unloading the heavy machinery 
exhibited there. 42 A central hall, a grandstand, and a machinery 
shed completed the buildings. 43 At noon on October 1 the exhibit 
formally opened; buildings and grounds were electrically lighted, and 
flowers had been especially planted. The Raleigh Register admired 
it as far surpassing its predecessors, and as "a grateful surprise" even 
to its friends. "There has been nothing like it" in North Carolina, it 
concluded. 44 The "deportment" of the visitors and the beauty of the 
women were commended. An exhibit of native gems from Macon 

38 North Carolina Intelligencer (Raleigh), November 5, 1890, hereinafter cited as 
North Carolina Intelligencer. 

39 Although Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills, 136, states that the first cotton mill 
in Raleigh was erected in 1887, it is apparent that 1890 is the correct date. 

40 Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills, 125. 

41 The North Carolina State Exposition from Oct. 1 to Oct. 28th, 188 U. A prospectus 
(Raleigh: n.p., 1884), 3-4. 

42 Raleigh Register, July 23, 1884. 

^Visitor's Guide to the North Carolina State Exposition, 188U (n.p., n.d.), 69-71, 
hereinafter cited as Visitor's Guide. 
"Raleigh Register, October 8, 1884. 

Raleigh — An Example of the "New South" ? 


Exhibits of many kinds were featured at the Industrial Exposition held in Raleigh 
in 1884. 

An exhibit featuring tobacco and tobacco machinery was called "North Carolina's 
Bright Hope." Both photographs on this page from files of State Department of 
Archives and History. 

270 The North Carolina Historical Review 

County was admired, and a table made by a Wake County man from 
60 varieties of native wood cut into 275 blocks was noted. 45 Among 
the main mechanical exhibits were pipe-fitting machinery, looms in 
operation, car wheels and brake shoes, a cotton gin, electric-light 
machinery, knitting by steam, and roller corn mills. The State Board 
of Agriculture displayed minerals, wines, tobacco, fruits in jars, fish, 
birds, edible reptiles, fertilizers, and native woods. The Wake County 
exhibit, of which a Raleigh man was chairman, had in addition to the 
usual agricultural products samples of ladies' needlework, photo- 
graphs of public buildings and residences, serpentine, granite, a pyra- 
mid of fruit trees, a 100-horsepower Watts Campbell Corliss engine, 
and a 50-horsepower Harris Corliss engine. 46 The city aldermen set 
up a Bureau of Intelligence to help visitors find room and board while 
they were in Raleigh. The aldermen hoped many people would come 
from Pennsylvania and New England. 47 Financially the exhibition 
was a success, but perhaps more important were the effects on the 
state. According to the local press, new friendships were formed, 
local jealousies were curtailed, better sectional understanding was 
promoted, patriotism was increased, and an honest pride coupled 
with generous rivalry was promoted. A repeat performance was urged 
for the next year. 48 

A touch of humor was provided by one William D. Harrington, an 
eighty-five-year-old gentleman from Ephronia, who opposed the expo- 
sition from the beginning on the ground that its great expense would 
cause the Democrats to lose the coming election. He asked: "Now 
which had you rather have, a great exposition and a radical Governor, 
or a poor exposition and a Democratic Governor?" He urged its post- 
ponement until after November. 49 His fears, however, proved ground- 

In 1891 a smaller exposition was held, officially entitled the South- 
ern Inter-States Exposition. 50 At a meeting of the Raleigh Chamber of 
Commerce in December, 1890, A. A. Thompson had moved the ap- 
pointment of a State Exposition Committee to initiate another expo- 
sition; Colonel W. S. Primrose, chairman of the 1884 exposition, had 
been made chairman of the committee; and plans had proceeded. 51 

45 Raleigh Register, October 22, 1884. 
"Visitor's Guide, 75-87. 

47 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, City of Raleigh, July 11, 1884, Municipal 
Building, Raleigh, hereinafter cited as Minutes of the Board of Aldermen. 
"Raleigh Register, October 29, 1884. 
49 William D. Harrington to Samuel A. Ashe, April 19, 1884, Ashe Papers. 

60 State Chronicle, October 1, 1891. 

61 Daily State Chronicle, December 10, 1890. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 271 

Raleigh raised $8,500 and the Southern Inter-State Immigration Bu- 
reau completed the sponsorship. 52 Running from October 1 to Novem- 
ber 28, the 1891 exposition had representation from thirteen states. On 
opening day all business in Raleigh was suspended and Fayetteville 
Street was lined with thousands of people to watch the "grand pa- 
rade." 53 Apparently this fair was not a financial success, for the 
State Chronicle declared after it was over, "It may not have been so 
much of a success as was wished, but it has certainly done Raleigh 
good in many ways." 54 

Also doing Raleigh good in many ways was its new Chamber of 
Commerce, formed on August 28, 1888, with Major R. S. Tucker as 
its first president. At the end of his first year in office he made a 
speech summarizing the progress of the city during that time. If one 
recalls the inordinate length of time it took the city to start a cotton 
mill, one can appreciate the major's opening remarks: 

Raleigh had a slow but steady growth these past long years, and now 
(1888) appeared to be at a standstill . . . dull, and without energy . . . 
somewhat disheartened. The failure, just before this time, of one of our 
banks, had cast a gloom over the city. Something was necessary to be 
done to give hope and confidence to our people. 

Continuing, he said: "The organization of our Chamber at once in- 
spired the hope for better times." 55 It would seem that it indeed had 
something to do with the increased tempo of new industry, for a list 
of the manufactories begun during 1888-1889 and cited by the major 
included: North Carolina Wagon Company, Greystone Granite and 
Construction Company, Raleigh Cotton Factory, Cider and Vinegar 
Manufactory, Wetmore Shoe and Leather Company, two additional 
tobacco warehouses, and a suspender company. The first refrigerator 
cars carried grapes from Raleigh to the North in July, 1889. The most 
important immediate task, concluded the major, was to enlarge the 
tobacco interests. 56 Exulted the Chronicle, "It is absolutely certain 
that Raleigh is destined to be a large and important manufacturing 
centre." 57 

Other industries not mentioned by the president of the Chamber 
of Commerce included the Oak City Steam Laundry, founded in 

62 State Chronicle, October 1, 1891. 
68 Raleigh Signal, October 10, 1891. 
"State Chronicle, November 28, 1891. 
65 State Chronicle, September 13, 1889. 
68 State Chronicle, September 13, 1889. 
67 Daily State Chronicle, April 23, 1890. 

272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1887; 58 Messrs. Barbee and Pope's candy manufactory; 59 a phosphate 
fertilizer business in which rock was brought from Wilmington and 
crushed in Raleigh; 60 the Raleigh Paper Company; 61 and a nursery 
business which shipped thousands of rose cuttings to the northern 
markets. 62 The Raleigh ice factory opened in 1890, making eight tons 
of ice per day, 63 shortly followed by a second. 64 The Caraleigh Mills, 
manufacturing dress gingham and employing 250 men by the end of 
the nineties, opened in 1892; and the Pilot Cotton Mills employing 
175 workers began operation in 1893. 65 The Raleigh and Gaston Rail- 
road shops turned out a locomotive in 1890 that "for speed, strength 
and splendid finish cannot be excelled by any piece of work in Amer- 
ica." 66 As Daniels of the Chronicle remarked in 1890: 

Raleigh doesn't exactly boom, but she moves. There is never a month that 
something permanently substantial is not effected. There is talk now of a 
furniture factory. Two gentlemen of Tennessee have offered to put $11,000 
into a $20,000 plant. That settles it. The factory will come. It will arrive 
on schedule time next fall. 67 

He was right— it did come. 

The biggest disappointment to Raleigh citizens was that the city 
never became important in the new and valuable tobacco industry. 
The first tobacco ever brought to Raleigh to market was sold on 
September 26, 1884, in a small temporary warehouse. At the time, 
Governor Jarvis made a speech predicting a fine future for the city. 
During the next three months, three large warehouses were erected. 68 
Two plug and chewing tobacco firms were begun, producing such 
brands as Pogue's Premium, Imperial, Old Reb, and Nickle Plate. 69 
But the longed-for cigarette factory never materialized. In 1890 the 
Chamber of Commerce met to hear proposals for a tobacco manufac- 
tory. One E. L. Harris of Wilton in Granville County offered to give 
the machinery if Raleigh would put up $6,000 in cash. 70 Although 

68 News and Observer, August 24, 1899. 

69 News and Observer, April 3, 1890. 

60 News and Observer, January 27, 1886. 
81 News and Observer, July 13, 1890. 

62 Julian Ralph, Dixie: or Southern Scenes and Sketches (New York: Harpers, 
1895), 285. 

63 News and Observer, February 21, 1890. 

64 News and Observer, March 12, 1890. 

85 News and Observer, August 24, 1899. 
68 News and Observer, January 28, 1890. 

67 Daily State Chronicle, March 20, 1890. 

68 State Chronicle, October 18, 1892. 

69 News and Observer, October 18, 1890. 

70 Daily State Chronicle, September 3, 1890. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 273 

the businessmen agreed to try, no evidence was found of their suc- 
cess. Another disappointment was the lack of a boiler and iron works. 
The Chronicle recorded an inquiry received from Chattanooga con- 
cerning such a mill in the city. The editor replied, "Now, wouldn't 
it have been a good thing if the answer could have been an imme- 
diate, positive and flatfooted yes!" Raleigh was already attracting 
wide attention, he continued, but needed "a little more unity, a little 
more energy, and [a] little more snap." "Everybody loves a vigorous, 
busy people and likes to come among them," he concluded almost 
appealingly. 71 

In spite of the failures, the accomplishments were meritorious. At 
the Chamber of Commerce banquet in April, 1890, the toasts offered 
indicated some hesitancy still to commit the businessmen of the city 
to an all-out campaign for industrialization, yet a sufficient pride in 
accomplishments already achieved showed a cautious willingness to 
proceed a little further. The first toast was: "Our City Government: 
Progressive in all that pertains to the material welfare of our city 
consistent with economy in expenditure and consideration of the citi- 
zens." Following this were other toasts to: the Raleigh Chamber of 
Commerce and Industry, the Manufacturing Interests of Raleigh, the 
Raleigh Cotton Exchange, the Raleigh Tobacco Exchange, Our Edu- 
cational Institutions, Our Railroad Facilities, Our City Press, and 
finally, to the Future Possibilities of North Carolina as a Manufac- 
turing State. 72 

Raleigh attempted to keep up to date with the latest business 
machines and methods. What was certainly one of the early type- 
writers in the state belonged to Judge Walter Clark. To him, in 1886, 
the following letter was addressed from the Governor's secretary: 

I am instructed by Governor Scales to enquire of you, if you desire to sell 
your caligraph and if so what amount would you take for it? The Gover- 
nor would also like to know your opinion of its merits as a writing ma- 
chine. 73 

It was not recorded whether or not the machine was sold to the Gov- 
ernor. Stronach's store had the first National Cash Register in the 
city, installed in January, 1886. Captain Ashe's description makes 
amusing reading today: 

71 Daily State Chronicle, April 17, 1890. 

72 Daily State Chronicle, April 29, 1890. 

73 C. N. Armfield to Walter Clark, January 8, 1886, Aubrey Lee Brooks and Hugh 
Talmage Lefler (eds.), The Papers of Walter Clark (Chapel Hill: University of 
North Carolina Press, 2 volumes, 1948-1950), I, 225, 225n. 

274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pressing one or more of the keys rings a bell, opens the cash drawer, shows 
the amount of the sale on one or more tablets in the glass opening above, 
and records the amount on wheels inside, which are accessible only to the 
proprietor, and the record once made cannot be changed without his knowl- 
edge. 74 

The store of Messrs. Julius Lewis and Company began an ingenious 
system of tapping a bell from their office to call a clerk— each one had 
a certain number of taps. 75 The Singer Sewing Machine Company 
gave a demonstration of fancy embroidery on one of its machines; 
on April 4 the demonstrator made lilies. 76 That same month the first 
phonograph in town was displayed at Briggs' hardware store; one 
turned the crank and out came the strains of a brass band. 77 Contests 
were held among the members of the Raleigh Short-Hand Writers 
Association, to which ten members belonged; a need for more persons 
skilled in shorthand was expressed, however. 78 An "interesting and 
novel" machine arrived in 1890 which cut metal keys "as easily as a 
baker can [cut] a horse cake from a bunch of dough." 79 Ten days 
later an electric nickel-plated cigar lighter created much excitement 
at Simpson's drug store. 80 Not to be outdone, the Department of Agri- 
culture purchased the first comptometer to be put into use in Ra- 
leigh. 81 A letter written by one Thomas H. Sutton dated March 28, 
1892, was typed, signed with a red stamp, and bore a red seal on 
which was printed, "Dictated to phonograph." 82 North Carolinians 
obviously did not wish to be left behind in the use of the latest inven- 
tions in the business world. 

A third characteristic of the New South was an interest in educa- 
tional progress. There was some interest in private education, espe- 
cially on the college level, but the chief concern was public education 
on the elementary level. Both North Carolina and Raleigh had active 
leaders in this field. 

The state of public education was far from admirable in 1875 and 
even later. In 1890 North Carolina was third from the bottom in the 
nation in literacy; by 1900 she had fallen to the bottom in spite of 

74 News and Observer, January 26, 1886. 
™News and Observer, April 1, 1890. 
76 News and Observer, April 3, 1890. 
17 News and Observer, April 26, 1890. 

78 Daily State Chronicle, May 7, 1890. 

79 News and Observer, August 13, 1890. 

80 News and Observer, August 23, 1890. 

81 State Chronicle, September 9, 1891. 

82 Thomas H. Sutton to Samuel A. Ashe [? no inside address], March 28, 1892, 
Ashe Papers. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 275 

having decreased her illiteracy rate some 13 per cent. 83 In his annual 
report, the North Carolina state superintendent of public instruction 
in 1890 voiced a plea for teachers who were trained. He said, "I 
believe that professional training is as necessary for a teacher as for 
a physician." He deplored the fact that teachers taught only until 
marriage or a good business offer came along, and he praised the 
German professional attitude toward teaching. 84 

Among the early voices raised for improvement of education was 
that of Walter Hines Page, who in 1884 in Raleigh organized the 
famous Watauga Club. Among those inspired by Page to do some- 
thing about the problem were Charles Mclver and Edwin A. Alder- 
man, 85 both of whom later had outstanding careers as educators. 
Page's most famous speech in support of education was "The For- 
gotten Man," delivered in 1897 at the new State Normal College for 
Women in Greensboro. 86 Mclver and Alderman began the task of 
holding summer institutes for teacher training. 87 A winter institute 
was held in Wake County by Alderman in 1890, to which both the 
general public and the teachers were invited. 88 By 1895 a teacher 
could attend summer school at the University of North Carolina and 
be refreshed on Herbartian pedagogy, educational psychology, Latin, 
history, English, and the sciences—a total choice of 26 courses offered 
by 19 instructors. 89 In Raleigh around 1883 a book seller, Alfred 
Williams and Company, started publishing the North Carolina 
Teacher, a magazine intended to advertise books but also to promote 
progressive education. 90 

The state of North Carolina by law in the session of 1876-1877 
authorized the first graded public schools. In a city of 2,000 people, 
100 citizens might petition for a special tax to support a school, said 
tax to be subject to a referendum. The tax might not exceed one-tenth 
of 1 per cent on the value of property. 91 In 1881 additional laws 

83 Philip Alexander Bruce, The Rise of the New South, Volume XVII of The His- 
tory of North America (Philadelphia: George Barrie & Sons, 1905), 344-345, herein- 
after cited as Bruce, The Rise of the New South. 

8i News and Observer, March 30, 1890. 

85 Burton J. Hendrick, Life and Letters of Walter H. Page (Garden City, New 
York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 3 volumes, 1922), I, 73, hereinafter cited as Hendrick, 
Life of Walter H. Page. 

86 Hendrick, Life of Walter H. Page, I, 74-79. 

87 News and Observer, April 3, 1890. 

88 News and Observer, December 2, 1890. 
80 M alone, Edwin A. Alderman, 61. 

90 Rose Howell Holder, Mclver of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North 
Carolina Press, 1957), 60. 

91 William T. Dortch, John Manning, and John S. Henderson, The Code of North 
Carolina, Enacted March 2, 1883 (New York: Banks & Brothers, Law Publishers, 2 
volumes, 1883), II, c. 15, ss. 2654-2658, hereinafter cited as Code of 1883. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 

This photograph of the old Centennial School was taken in 1931. From files of 
State Department of Archives and History. 

created the position of superintendent of public instruction, set up 
county school systems, 92 and declared that the school year should 
begin on the first Monday in December. 93 

Taking advantage of these provisions, Raleigh in 1877 became the 
second city in the state to set up a public graded school. 94 This was 
appropriately named Centennial School. Not a great deal is known 
about this school until 1884, when the Board of Aldermen began to 
look for a better home for the school. By action of the board, the old 
Governor's Palace was purchased from the state for $10,000, a little 
over half being paid in cash. 95 After investigating the cost of remodel- 
ing, the board decided to erect a new building on the same site. This 
new school was to have a "Slate Roof, Brown Stone Window sills and 
Penitentiary Press Brick Front." 96 Although $15,000 was appropriated 
for the building, an additional $10,000 was needed to provide slate 
blackboards, fences, cloakrooms, carpet on the platforms, water 
closets, and stoves for the pupils. 97 Finally, on November 30, 1885, 
the new school was appropriately and ceremoniously dedicated. 98 The 
January report, however, indicated that the school had not enough 
places to hang the children's wraps. 99 The popular and hard-working 
superintendent of the city schools during those years was Edward 

92 Code of 1883, II, c. 15, ss. 2540-2542, 2545-2575. 

93 Code of 1883, II, c. 15, s. 2587. 

94 Edgar W. Knight, Public School Education in North Carolina (Boston: Houghton, 
Mifflin, 1916), 313. 

95 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 1, 1884. 
98 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, July 3, 1885. 

97 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, October 21, 1885. 

98 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, November 30, 1885. 

99 News and Observer, January 29, 1886. 

Raleigh — An Example of the "New South" ? 277 

Pearson Moses, formerly of Goldsboro, a man of "magnetic person- 
ality" and known as "a lover of learning." 100 His annual report to the 
Sublic in 1890 shows the influence of the new school of educational 
leory. He remarked, "Observation rather than hearsay testimony 
should be the basis of knowledge." He reported that the children 
learned to draw from nature; that they used the phonic method of 
reading; that arithmetic was being taught "objectively"; that compo- 
sition had improved; that boys in the fifth, sixth, and seventh grades 
were learning clay-modeling, paper and pasteboard work; that girls 
in the first three grades were learning to sew. He expected the recent 
introduction of vocal music to prove very popular. Moses pointed out 
the need for good school libraries in the teaching of history and 
advocated the teaching of at least one foreign language. He believed 
that the geography lessons were poor, as they called for too much 
memorization. Spelling he stressed: "The time for a child to learn to 
spell a word is the instant the child has occasion to write that word 
for the first time." He further declared that nothing but the three R's 
year after year was not good enough for the education of an Ameri- 
can. Ten-year-old boys should have botany, zoology, chemistry, as- 
tronomy, mineralogy, and mechanics, to name a few courses which 
he believed desirable in the graded school curriculum. 101 

Under the leadership of Moses, Murphey School for girls was es- 
tablished and grew as did Washington Graded School for Negroes. 
By 1888 Centennial had an enrollment of 408 boys and Murphey 
had 454 girls. 102 No figures were found for Washington. 

In 1888 a crisis threatened the Raleigh public schools; the Raleigh 
School Committee ran out of funds on March 1. It will be recalled 
that according to the state law, only one-tenth of 1 per cent tax could 
be levied for the support of schools, which was inadequate for the 
type of education Raleigh was attempting to provide. The school 
committee requested the aldermen to apply to the state legislature 
for the power to double the tax rate, 103 which the legislature oblig- 
ingly did. 104 Many conservative businessmen in the city, however, 
opposed an increase in taxes for the current year, so that a comprom- 
ise was effected in order to keep the schools open. This compromise 
diverted money from city streets and improvements to meet the 

100 M. C. S. Noble, A History of the Public Schools of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1930), 405. 
101 News and Observer, March 30, 1890. 
™ State Chronicle, September 21, 1888. 
108 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, December 17, 1888. 
™ State Chronicle, February 15, 1889. 

278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

current school needs, while a bond issue was to replace the street 
funds. Thus taxes would not have to be increased until the following 
year. A tuition fee of $5.00 was to be charged each pupil who took 
Latin and higher mathematics. 105 Thus the school year was com- 
pleted. In June the referendum on doubling the school taxes was 
held and carried by a vote of 2,688 for to 1,718 against. 106 

In 1889 the economy-minded aldermen reduced the number of 
grades from eight to seven, "it being the sense of this Board to dis- 
approve of higher education in the graded schools at the public 
expense." 107 Moses disapproved of this action heartily, suggesting 
that the eighth grade was the best one for learning. If this grade was 
to be lost, he recommended raising the entrance age to seven years, 
for "I believe that one thousand dollars spent for the education of 
children over twelve will do as much good as three thousand dollars 
spent for those under eight or nine." 108 Thomas H. Briggs, secretary 
of the Raleigh Graded School Committee, likewise disapproved of 
the loss of the eighth grade. He asserted that "some of our brightest 
pupils have been cut off entirely from school privileges just at a time 
when they would be most benefited." He also regretted the tuition fee 
for Latin, as it deprived many bright pupils of this training. 109 But 
the decision of the aldermen was firm. As far as secondary education 
is concerned, Raleigh did not have a public high school until 1904. 110 

The final characteristic of the New South may be called civic pride; 
southern cities were acquiring parks, electricity, sewerage, "pure" 
water, electric street cars, and paved streets. 111 As Daniels wrote in 
the Chronicle: 

The same spirit that established the "Centennial Graded School," also de- 
mands and will secure well-paved, well-lighted and well-drained streets, 
good police, efficient sanitary regulations, public parks, street railways, 
Christian associations, public libraries and reading rooms, public hospitals 
and dispensaries, water-works, homes for the destitute, art galleries, mu- 
seums, night schools for workingmen, and the other manifold blessings of 
modern civilization which are secured by public spirited co-operation as- 
sisted by private generosity. 112 

105 State Chronicle, March 22, 1889. 
108 State Chronicle, June 14, 1889. 

107 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 7, 1889. 

108 News and Observer, March 30, 1890. 

109 News and Observer, March 30, 1890. 

110 Mary Lynch Johnson, A History of Meredith College (Raleigh: Meredith Col- 
lege, 1956), 60. 

111 Bruce, The Rise of the New South, 248. 

112 State Chronicle, March 1, 1889. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 279 

He implied criticism of the stinginess of certain Raleighites, saying: 
"In Raleigh we put most of our money in the banks and we do not 
boom." 113 If Raleigh would only build an opera house, a $100,000 
hotel, a street railway to Pullen Park, a beltline railroad, and organize 
a land improvement company, she would reach a population of 
100,000 by 1900, wrote "A Believer in Raleigh." 114 The Daily Evening 
Visitor pointed out, "There are a great many things to be done to 
place our beautiful city in the front. Let us be up and doing. Give 
politics a rest for two years." 115 

One of the first modern improvements to reach the city was the 
telephone. In 1879 an Edison telephone system was installed, the 
first in North Carolina. 116 Because of a patent fight in the courts, 
however, in 1881 the Bell system replaced the Edison. 117 Permission 
was granted by the Board of Aldermen in 1881 for the Bell Telephone 
Company to erect poles and run wires, provided the company paid 
the city a tax of 80 cents per telephone per year. 118 By 1890 a total of 
177 customers had installed telephones. 119 In the same year a tele- 
phone was installed at the State Fairgrounds for the convenience of 
the businessmen and for use in case a telegram was received in the 
city for any visitor to the fair. 120 Discussion was revived of the possi- 
bilities of linking Durham and Raleigh by phone, 121 but this was not 
soon accomplished. The Postal Telegraph seems to have come to 
Raleigh before Western Union, receiving a franchise in 1889. 122 By 
the following year the line to Savannah, Georgia, was finished and 
messages could be sent there directly from Raleigh. 123 Other connec- 
tions were also made. 

No city would be healthful or comfortable without an adequate 
supply of water, and much of the time at each meeting of the Board 
of Aldermen was taken up with discussions of wells, pumps, water 
works, and the like. Beginning in 1870 the aldermen were urged to 
proceed with "the establishment of water works on a scale commen- 

113 State Chronicle, April 12, 1889. 

114 Daily State Chronicle, September 5, 1890. 

115 Daily Evening Visitor (Raleigh), November 4, 1890, hereinafter cited as Daily 
Evening Visitor. 

116 Marker on West Martin Street, Raleigh, indicating site of first telephone ex- 
change. See also scattered issues of the News and Observer, July-September, 1879. 

m News and Observer, January 26, 1881. 

118 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, December 9, 1881. 

119 News and Observer, September 16, 1890. 

120 News and Observer, September 13, 1890. 

121 News and Observer, November 14, 1890. 

122 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 1, 1889. 

123 News and Observer, February 12, 1890. 

280 The North Carolina Historical Review 

surate with the demands of the city." 124 The minutes are filled with 
petitions such as one requesting a well on Hillsboro Street west of 
the railroad bridge, and a pump at the intersection of Person and 
Edenton Streets. 125 By 1881 the city fathers had decided to plan a 
city-wide water system, 126 but they were still in the talking stage five 
years later. 127 In 1888 the Raleigh Water Works Company supplied 
water to public fountains but not to homes. 128 The aldermen were 
moved by civic pride in 1889 to require the water company to lay 
water pipes to houses if enough customers requested such service 
so that annual receipts per block amounted to $20.00. 129 More and 
more people began to tap the water mains; the stockholders in the 
water company were well pleased. 130 Just at that juncture, the city 
began to discuss owning its own water works in order to lower the 
rates and perhaps attract industry. 131 This was done some time later. 
In addition to water, a sewerage system was needed. Following 
a long period of discussion, an engineer was employed by the alder- 
men to prepare General Plans and Specifications for a Complete Sew- 
erage System for the City of Raleigh, N. C. 132 The plans were duly 
prepared and accepted and bids called for, but all bids were rejected 
as being too high. 133 The need remained, however, and a year later 
a bond issue for sewerage and paving was submitted to the public. 
"The Question Is: Shall We Go Forward Or Backward?" "Let us all 
vote for Health and for Progress!" was printed in numerous boxes 
scattered throughout the entire issue of the Chronicle. 1 ™ On May 10, 
1889, the bond issue carried, 135 and by July 5 the pipe had been pur- 
chased. 136 The laying of the pipe cost the city $81,000 of its bond 
issue, 137 but was finally completed six months later in January, 1890. 138 
The News and Observer proudly declared that "no better job can be 
pointed to in the South" and congratulated the contractor for using 

124 Daily Standard (Raleigh), January 6, 1870, hereinafter cited as Daily Standard. 

125 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 6, 1880. 

^Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, December 9, 1881. 

127 News and Observer, January 28, 1886. 

^Minutes of the Board of Alderman, January 6, 1888. 

129 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, June 10, 1889. 

130 News and Observer, January 21, 1890. 

131 News and Observer, March 22, 1890. 

132 General Plans and Specifications for a Complete Sewerage System for the City 
of Raleigh, N. C. Brochure bound with Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, Febru- 
ary 3, 1888. 

133 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, April 27, 1888. 

134 State Chronicle, May 3, 1889. 

135 State Chronicle, May 10, 1889. 

136 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, July 5, 1889. 

137 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, July 17, 1889. 
^News and Observer, January 11, 1890. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 281 

"home labor." 139 So many householders signed up to be connected 
that they had to wait thirty days amid much complaining. 140 

Complaints about streets and sidewalks were numerous. On Martin 
Street in 1870 were "Deep crevices and unsightly channels. . . ." 141 
Passengers walking from the railroad station to the main street "are 
in danger of falling into gullies and other mishaps," warned the 
Weekly Era in 1873. 142 Wet grass and weeds bordering the sidewalks 
would drench the unwary citizen who was walking to work in the 
mornings. 143 The first portion of sidewalk to be paved was in front 
of the post office, where granite slabs were laid in 1890. 144 A certain 
J. J. Hall in a letter to the newspaper gave several reasons for the 
building of more sidewalks, as such action would "give employment 
to many hands, circulate money, add greatly to the comfort of the 
people, improve property and beautify our excellent city." 145 The 
mayor asked for public reaction to the laying of brick sidewalks on 
all the principal streets, with the property owners paying for their 
own portions. 146 The newspapers did not report the results of this 

The aldermen took positive steps to lay out and pave the city 
streets, however. In the late 1860's and 1870's, Kemp P. Battle and 
his wife "pleasantly explored" the city streets and found many places 
needing new streets cut through. When he became an alderman, he 
persuaded his colleagues to open up some of these new streets. A 
friend said of Battle early one Sunday morning at Christ Episcopal 
Church, "See Kemp Battle sitting yonder looking sanctified. He is 
studying how he can open up another pew in the church." 147 The 
first proposal to macadamize the city streets was made to the alder- 
men in 1882, 148 but instead the main streets were paved with Belgian 
blocks three years later. 149 It was well that this was done, for the 
General Assembly of 1884 had facetiously passed a bill to charter a 
ferry boat company to run a ferry on Fayetteville Street. 150 It was 
finally decided to macadamize other streets and assess property 

189 News and Observer, January 16, 1890. 
140 News and Observer, February 18, 1890. 
m Daily Standard, January 3, 1870. 

142 Weekly Era (Raleigh), December 18, 1873. 

143 News and Observer, June 6, 1890. 

144 News and Observer, July 3, 1890. 

145 Daily State Chronicle, September 5, 1890. 
1M News and Observer, October 5, 1890. 

147 William James Battle (ed.), Memories of an Old-Time Tar Heel, by Kemp Plum- 
mer Battle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1945), 227. 

148 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 3, 1882. 

149 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, July 3, 1885. 
160 State Chronicle, February 2, 1888. 

282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

owners for the costs. 151 One observer thought the foundation rocks 
looked so "formidable" that surely the paving was being done "once 
for all time." 152 Many citizens looked forward to being able to drive 
their buggies and carriages out to the suburbs on these newly paved 
streets. 153 A street sweeper was purchased in October, 1890, to keep 
these newly paved masterpieces in the best possible condition. 154 

At the opening of this period the city streets and most business 
establishments were lighted by gas manufactured by Springfield Gas 
Machines. 155 Electricity was beginning to be used, however. The first 
public building to be lighted with electricity was the deaf, dumb, and 
blind institute, where the new lights "illuminate both the buildings 
and the grounds most beautifully and effectively." 156 A franchise was 
granted to Thompson Houston Electric Light Company to install arc 
lights in the city; 157 this was followed by a second such franchise 
three years later. 158 When it was pointed out to the aldermen, how- 
ever, that two such franchises could not exist simultaneously, the 
second was revoked. 159 In 1888 Raleigh streets had 100 gas lights 
and 20 electric lights which burned all night; the cost to the city was 
$3,000 per year. 160 Yet a continuous stream of complaints about the 
poor lighting flooded the newspapers as they must have flooded the 
aldermen. A strong diatribe appeared in the Raleigh Signal: 

Why do we not have a better lighted city? The City of Raleigh is the 
worse lighted city of its size in the country. The electric lights, as at present 
arranged, are totally inadequate, "to say nothing of their illuminating 
power." There ought to be an electric light on every corner, and if we 
cannot have that, our City Fathers should go back to the gas lamps, which 
afford equally as good lights as the present electric lights, taking into 
consideration the fact that we would have more of them. 

In the eastern section of our city, is the want of better lights particu- 
larly felt. Some of the squares are in total darkness at night. Our citizens 
are abundantly taxed and they should at least have a city thoroughly 
lighted at night. 161 

An arbitration commission finally determined that the lights were 
actually not as bright as they were guaranteed to be, therefore the 

151 News and Observer, June 18, 1890. 

152 News and Observer, May 9, 1890. 

153 News and Observer, January 12, 1890. 

154 North Carolina Intelligencer, October 8, 1890. 

155 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, January 2, 1880. 
158 News and Observer, January 16, 1886. 

157 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, October 14, 1885. 

158 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 10, 1888. 

159 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, February 27, 1888. 

160 State Chronicle, March 2, 1888. 

161 Raleigh Signal, October 24, 1889. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 283 

city did not have to pay the full amount of the light bill. 162 To cap 
the climax, one night the "so-called electric lights" went out eight 
times, reported the Chronicle. Even when they were on, "they give 
no more light than a good-sized student lamp or seven or eight 
tallow candles"; the paper concluded satirically, "What pine-knot 
power are the electric lights?" 163 The aldermen purchased sixty new 
gas lights, 164 which were installed and resulted in great improvement 
in the situation. 165 By 1894, however, most of the problems with the 
early electric lights were solved and Raleigh citizens formed an elec- 
tric light company, with most of the stock home owned. 166 A new 
day had dawned. 

Public transportation also underwent a revolution. In 1881 four- 
horse and two-horse omnibuses plied the city streets on regular 
runs. 167 By 1890 a number of tracks existed for horse-drawn trolley 
cars. 168 The electric cars doomed the horses, however, just as electric 
lights replaced gas ones. The first city to install electric cars was 
Montgomery, Alabama, in 1886. Asheville in 1889 had the first ones 
in North Carolina, 169 Winston acquired them in 1890, 170 and Raleigh 
soon followed suit. In November, 1890, the aldermen decided on six 
miles of electric track with overhead wires; this was an extension of 
two miles more than already existed for the horse-drawn trolleys. 171 
The cars were to run on a seven-minute schedule. 172 The final con- 
tract was signed with Edison Electric of New York for ten miles of 
track, 173 and the first car on Hillsboro Street ran in September, 1891. 174 
The city was taking on a modern appearance and tempo. 

The fire department was probably as good as, if not better than, 
that of other comparable cities, in spite of certain peculiarities such 
as the installation of a new fire alarm box downtown; the keys to the 
box were kept in three neighboring stores. 175 There were eighteen 
alarm boxes installed in residential areas; keys were always kept in 

162 News and Observer, May 8, 1890. 
103 Daily State Chronicle, June 28, 1890. 
16i News and Observer, November 15, 1890. 

105 North Carolina Intelligencer, January 7, 1891. 

106 News and Observer, August 24, 1899. 

167 A tax was levied on these. Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, August 5, 1881. 

168 News and Observer, July 19, 1890. 

169 John Anderson Miller, Fares Please: From Horse-Cars to Streamliners (New 
York: Appleton-Century, 1941), Chapter 3, passim. 

170 News and Observer, August 12, 1890. 

171 News and Observer, November 19, 1890. 

172 News and Observer, November 25, 1890. 

173 News and Observer, December 21, 1890. 

174 State Chronicle, September 3, 1891. 

175 News and Observer, March 18, 1890. 

284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

one of the homes. 176 Justification for belief that the protection was 
probably quite good is shown by the number of contests in which 
the various hose or reel companies won honors. For example, at the 
state contest at Charlotte in 1890, the Raleigh Capital Hose Company 
kept a previously-won gold medal. 177 The equipment was kept up to 
date, with a "magnificent, shiny, glossy, brand new, red and blue light 
service city hook and ladder truck" being purchased at one time and 
horses being mentioned several times as new purchases. 178 Items of 
praise for quick work were noted in the newspapers. 179 

Attention was given to the care of public buildings. At the city post 
office, 231 new boxes were installed in April, 1890, 180 and in June a 
"new, nobby and pretty little general delivery window" was in- 
stalled. 181 The public auditorium, Metropolitan Hall, was improved 
by the installation of water closets in the dressing rooms and a freight 
elevator for scenery and luggage. 182 The jail received a new brick 
kitchen and a fresh coat of paint on the fence in 1886, 183 but by 1890 
it needed to be "somewhat sweetened up" again. 184 A new railroad 
depot was badly needed, according to all reports, and the city was 
anxious to build one, partly as an inducement to the Atlantic Coast 
Line to come into Raleigh. 185 Although the Atlantic Coast Line did 
not do so, a $75,000 depot was built. 186 

The public park movement which spread in the 1890V 87 did not 
find Raleigh lagging. Two city parks had already been established 
by that time; Pullen Park was dedicated to driving and picnicking, 
with a pavilion and a pond with fifty goldfish for entertainment; and 
Brookside Park which could be reached by streetcar included swim- 
ming and baseball areas as well as picnic grounds. 188 

Beginning in 1890 the city underwent a period of expansion from 
its previous narrow limits into suburban developments. Three land 
promotion companies began residential developments in that year, 
among the leaders being many of the same men who had promoted 

176 News and Observer, April 1, 1890. 

177 News and Observer, May 22, 1890. 

178 News and Observer, July 1, September 6, 1890. 

179 News and Observer, December 29, 31, 1889. 
im News and Observer, April 12, 1890. 

181 News and Observer, June 22, 1890. 

™ 2 News and Observer, January 17, May 13, 1890. 

183 News and Observer, January 23, 1886. 

184 News and Observer, April 22, 1890. 

185 News and Observer, February 19, 1890. 

188 North Carolina Intelligencer, October 1, 1890. 

187 Harvey Wish, Society and Thought in Modern America, Volume II of Society and 
Thought in America (New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 2 volumes, 1952), 281. 

188 News and Observer, May 17, July 20, 1890. 

Raleigh— An Example of the "New South"? 285 

the cotton factory as well as newspaper editor Josephus Daniels. In 
September Daniels called for "the organization of a strong and vigor- 
ous land and improvement company" as "about the only thing the 
town is behind in now." 189 In November he was a stockholder in such 
a company. 190 Of course the city long ago outgrew the suburbs of the 

Since the days of Walter Hines Page, Raleigh had become imbued 
with the spirit of the New South. Gone was the old lethargy, gone 
were the red clay streets. Citizens pointed with pride to their prog- 
ress and their hopeful future. The list of new enterprises was indeed 
a long and creditable one, although one must always remember 
that most of them were small in size. Raleigh never became a Bir- 
mingham or an Atlanta in spite of all that some of its promoters 
could do. Yet Captain Ashe could justifiably say that Raleigh "grows 
steadily and surely adds strength and accumulates vigor, and, like 
the well built clipper ship, spreads her sails to favoring breezes and 
passes on to certain success." 191 James A. Weston of Hickory could 
say to Captain Ashe, "Inter nos, I always put Raleigh a little ahead of 
any other place." 192 Mayor A. A. Thompson could congratulate the 
aldermen on "the great progress made by the city during the past 
two years, the improvements made and those projected, the excellent 
financial condition of the city and . . . the hope that the advancement 
of the city in all respects would be still more marked in the future." 193 
And while Jo6ephus Daniels stretched the truth when he declared 
that the population of Raleigh in 1891 was over 18,000, he could 
truthfully say that "Raleigh is blessed with a past, a present, and a 
future that is exceedingly gratifying and bright." 194 

In conclusion, Raleigh appears to have possessed a fair share of the 
New South's spirit of reconciliation with the North. It had a crusading 
newspaper editor in the person of Daniels and a few enthusiastic 
industry hunters such as Colonel Primrose and Major Tucker. It en- 
dorsed public elementary education and tried to modernize the 
appearance of the city. Raleigh was, then, a reasonably good example 
of the New South even though it was not in the mainstream of devel- 
opment. It remains to be seen whether additional studies of other 
fringe communities will result in similar conclusions. 


188 Daily State Chronicle, September 2, 1890. 

190 The Raleigh Land and Improvement Company, Daily State Chronicle, Novem- 
ber 9, 1890. The same issue announced the West Side Land Company while the North 
Side Land Company was reported in the Daily Evening Visitor, December 2, 1890. 

191 News and Observer, October 16, 1890. 

182 James A. Weston to Samuel A. Ashe, September 5, 1889, Ashe Papers. 
198 Minutes of the Board of Aldermen, May 7, 1889. 
194 State Chronicle, September 9, 1891. 


By Wilton B. Fowler* 

At Chester, South Carolina, in August, 1870, the carpetbag attor- 
ney general of the state excoriated his "fair-headed, blue-eyed Saxon" 
audience for refusing to accept the equality of Negroes and instead 
"sneering at every breath at the ignorance of those whom you and 
you alone have made ignorant." * The same man, Daniel Henry Cham- 
berlain, thirty-four years later— long after Negro political power had 
withered in South Carolina—appeared as a "hearty supporter of the 
mass of the Southern whites in their relations to the negro." Con- 
fessing his own physical repulsion at the Negro race, he considered 
the goal of social or political equality for the Negro an impossibility 
"within any measurable range of time, if ever." 2 

This was a dramatic change in heart by a man whose experience 
in Reconstruction lent authority to his opinions. And since he did not 
keep his opinions to himself, it is likely that he influenced some of 
the Americans who around the turn of the century concerned them- 
selves with the Negro's situation. A survey of his expressed thoughts 
reveals the stages of the metamorphosis of a champion of equality 
into a racist. 

The young Chamberlains attitudes took shape in the morally agi- 
tated environs of Worcester County, Massachusetts, where he was 
born in 1835. As a student and tutor in the Worcester High School 
during the 1850's he became an advocate of emancipation and dab- 
bled in the movement for women's rights. The teachings of Charles 
Sumner, William Lloyd Garrison, and Wendell Phillips impressed 
him deeply. He later recalled that he had heard Phillips speak no 
less than fifty times. It was Phillips' style of oratory that Chamberlain 
imitated as a student politician at Yale College. 3 Elected valedictory 

* Mr. Fowler is an instructor in history at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. 

1 D. H. Chamberlain, Speech at the Mass Meeting in Chester, S.C., August 19, 1870 
(Charleston: Privately printed, 1870), 4. 

2 D. H. Chamberlain, Present Phases of Our So-Called Negro Problem. Open Letter 
to the Right Honorable James Bryce, M.P., of England (Charleston: Privately printed, 
1904), 6-7, 27, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, Our So-Called Negro Problem. 

3 James Green, Personal Recollections of Daniel Henry Chamberlain (Worcester: 
Davis & Banister, 1908), 3-6, hereinafter cited as Green, Personal Recollections; 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 287 

speaker for his class (1862), he addressed his fellows on the obliga- 
tions of the "Scholar in the Republic." A paramount duty, he urged, 
awaited the educated man in public office. Politicians were the ones 
who had to deliver the country from the evil of slavery, and in such 
an undertaking zeal alone would not suffice: ". . . in this age, and 
especially in this country, we need not more activity but more wis- 
dom in all the relations and departments of civil and public life." 4 

From Yale Chamberlain, still borrowing money for tuition, moved 
on to the Harvard Law School, resisting until the beginning of 1864 
the temptation to go to war. To friends who told him he could do no 
more in the army than someone less educated, Chamberlain replied 
that if he did not enlist, "years hence I shall be ashamed to have it 
known that for any reason I did not bear a hand in this life-or-death 
struggle for the Union and for Freedom." Governor John Albion 
Andrew gave him a lieutenancy in the predominantly Negro Fifth 
Massachusetts Cavalry, which saw duty in Virginia. 5 

Shortly after returning to Massachusetts at the end of the war, 
Chamberlain journeyed south to settle the affairs of a deceased class- 
mate, James P. Blake, who had left New Haven, Connecticut, to 
practice law at Charleston. Once in South Carolina, Chamberlain 
sought to improve his fortune by planting cotton on Wadmalaw 
Island. He also took a retainer to prosecute claims in New Orleans 
for "someone who had been stripped of his property in cotton by 
government seizure." The planting did not pay, but legal practice 
did— to the extent of enabling him to repay the more than $2,000 
owed on his education. 6 

In the fall of 1867 Chamberlain won election to the South Carolina 
constitutional convention, where he insisted that all public schools 
be racially integrated. From 1868 to 1872 he held the elective office 
of state attorney general. Little is known of his life during this period, 
except that he opposed repudiation of the state debt, married Alice 
Ingersoll of Maine, and formed a law partnership with Samuel W. 
Melton, a native Carolinian whom people "thoroughly and rightly 

Walter Allen, Governor Chamberlain's Administration in South Carolina (New York: 
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1888), 524-526, hereinafter cited as Allen, Chamberlain's Ad- 
ministration; William Lloyd Garrison to D. H. Chamberlain, October 16, 1876, quoted 
in Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 402. 

4 D. H. Chamberlain, The Scholar in the Republic: Valedictory Oration, Class of 
1862, Yale College, June 25, 1862 (New Haven: Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor, 1862), 

5 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 525. 

6 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 526; Green, Personal Recollections, 8. Cham- 
berlain described the handling of Blake's affairs in a letter to Eli Whitney Blake, 
January 27, 1867, Blake Family Collection, Yale University Library, New Haven, 

288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

trusted." 7 In 1870 the attorney general admitted that "excesses and 
crimes . . . have disgraced our State since the close of the war," but 
stanchly defended the Radical administration as the protector of the 
Negro. It was especially commendable, he thought, that Negroes had 
not taken revenge on the white minority, which had persistently 
opposed the elevation and enfranchisement of the freedmen. Against 
the contention that Radicals were spendthrifty and corrupt, he ex- 
hibited a list of new services provided by the state to a citizenry 
more than double that of 1860 because of the inclusion of Negroes. 
At any rate, he argued, the "debt which this State, its property and 
its present intelligence, owes to the colored race, to all her unedu- 
cated children, can never be fully discharged." 8 

From 1872 through 1874 Chamberlain occupied no public office. 
He did, however, sit on the board of trustees which integrated the 
University of South Carolina. When several faculty members re- 
signed because of the admission of a Negro ( who happened to be the 
secretary of state), Chamberlain drafted the resolution accepting 
their resignations and welcoming the removal of their racist influence, 
"so hostile to the welfare of our State." By 1877 the university, which 
he called "the common property of all our citizens without distinction 
of race," had a predominantly Negro student body. 9 

At the same time that he pursued advancement for the Negro, 
Chamberlain sympathized with the complaints of white property 
owners against wasteful government. As owner of stock in a printing 
firm, as the "leading attorney" for some New York bankers, and as a 
holder of state bonds, he was something of a propertied man himself. 
At the Taxpayers' Convention called by Conservatives in Columbia 
in 1871, Chamberlain was selected as an official, spoke out for econ- 
omy in government, and recommended proportional representation 
as a check on the influence of the ignorant and propertyless. That 
he hoodwinked the convention or that he stole from public funds, 
often alleged, was not proved. He flatly denied all charges of dis- 

7 John S. Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-1877 (Columbia: State 
Co., Publishers, 1905), 507, hereinafter cited as Reynolds, Reconstruction', Allen, 
Chamberlain's Administration, 6-9; Green, Personal Recollections, 11; Francis Butler 
Simkins and Robert Hilliard Woody, South Carolina During Reconstruction (Chapel 
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1932), 127, hereinafter cited as Simkins 
and Woody, South Carolina During Reconstruction-, Edward J. Maxwell, "Hampton's 
Campaign in South Carolina, I," South- Atlantic, I (February, 1878), 329-330. 

e D. H. Chamberlain, Speech in Columbia, S.C., October U, 1870 (n.p., n.d.), 1, 4, 
12, 14. 

9 Daniel Walker Hollis, "Robert W. Barnwell," South Carolina Historical Magazine, 
LVI (July, 1955), 136-137. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 289 

honesty or deception, 10 and in 1878 he "manifested the greatest 
willingness" to stand trial under a Redeemer indictment (dismissed 
inl881). n 

In 1874 Chamberlain ran as the Republican candidate for governor 
on a platform of reform. Because he promised a program of re- 
trenched spending and honest administration, the Democrats did not 
offer an opponent, and an "Independent" aspirant was beaten by a 
vote of 80,403 to 68,814. 12 Chamberlain's inaugural claimed honesty 
and economy to be his paramount concerns. His ultimate goal, how- 
ever, was "nothing less than the reestablishment of society in this 
State upon the foundation of absolute equality of civil and political 
rights." 13 Nothing here, or in his subsequent achievement of a public 
accommodations act (prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race 
or color), indicated those unspecified "tendencies toward his later 
conversion to white supremacy" which one scholar detected in Cham- 
berlain as governor. 14 

Conservative opinion of the Chamberlain regime was at first cau- 
tious, then enthusiastic. The Charleston News and Courier congratu- 
lated the Governor for not forsaking his campaign pledges, as 
Conservatives thought he would, and promised to co-operate in his 
program of good government. By April, after Chamberlain had vetoed 
a tax increase and a bill to liquidate allegedly fraudulent state debts, 
the paper predicted that his performance, if continued, would mark 
him in history as the "saviour of South Carolina." Nor had he lost 
the support of Negroes. One spokesman, Richard T. Greener, felt, 
after first suspecting a "sellout" to the Conservatives, that Chamber- 
lain's actions had operated "to shut the mouths of the insincere Con- 
servatives and assure the honest grumblers." 15 

With favorable comment from the state's press and accolades from 
the Charleston Chamber of Commerce, the Governor continued his 
attempt at political co-operation between Negroes and white busi- 
nessmen. But late in 1875 his party undermined his program. While 
he was away from the capital, Republican legislators elected to judge- 
ships two men with reputations of notorious corruption, W. J. Whip- 

10 Simkins and Woody, South Carolina During Reconstruction, 156-164, 181n, 203- 
204; Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 143-145, 491-501. 

11 David Duncan Wallace, South Carolina: A Short History, 1520-19 US (Columbia: 
University of South Carolina Press, 1961), 595, hereinafter cited as Wallace, South 

13 Simkins and Woody, South Carolina During Reconstruction, 473. 
"Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 11, 28. 

"Reynolds, Reconstruction, 291; George B. Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 1877- 
1900 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952), 11. 
15 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 111-113. 

290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

per, a Negro, and F. J. Moses, Jr., the preceding Governor. Conserv- 
atives were indignant, and Chamberlain, obviously to discipline 
Republicans, predicted the revitalization of the Democratic party. 
He refused to endorse the commissions of the judge-elects, thereby 
gaining the gratitude of some whites, who held rallies throughout 
the state in his support. 16 

A short time later the Governor wired an ambiguous appeal to the 
annual meeting of the New England Society of Charleston: 

The civilization of the Puritan and the Cavalier, of the Roundhead and 
the Huguenot, is in peril. Courage, Determination, Union, Victory, must 
be our watchwords. The grim Puritans never quailed under threat or blow. 
Let their sons now imitate their example ! 17 

What constituted the "peril" he did not specify, but clearly he feared 
what he had fought to prevent, a political polarization along a racial 
line. The legislature by choosing Whipper and Moses seemed to 
repudiate the policy of good government with which Chamberlain 
attracted white voters. Now many of the latter looked more favorably 
on General Martin W. Gary's "Mississippi plan" for intimidating 
Negroes into either voting Democratic or abstaining. Gary's followers, 
preparing for the biennial elections, so intimidated Negroes by April, 
1876, that Chamberlain warned he would ask for federal protection 
for them. After the May lynching of six Negroes in Edgefield ( Gary's 
home county), he advised President Ulysses S. Grant to be prepared 
to send in troops. He again alerted Grant in July following the Ham- 
burg riot, which he described as "a darker picture of human cruelty 
than the slaughter of Custer and his soldiers." On into the fall the 
Governor risked white votes by condemning Democratic terrorists. 
However enthusiastic their support of his financial policies, most 
whites deserted Chamberlain because of his insistence on racial equal- 
ity. 18 

At the peak of the gubernatorial race, Chamberlain was in physical 
danger. He seemed unmoved, however, by the shuffles, insults, and 
threats from Democratic ruffians— often armed. 19 Responding to the 

16 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 157, 195-198. 

17 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 201. 

18 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 307-313; Reynolds, Reconstruction, 346; 
Wallace, South Carolina, 594; Hampton M. Jarrell, Wade Hampton and the Negro 
(Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1949), 49-50, accuses Chamberlain 
of using the Hamburg riot for political purposes. 

19 Regarding Chamberlain's courage in confronting armed hecklers, see W. W. Ball, 
A Boy's Recollection of the Red Shirt Campaign of 1876 in South Carolina (Colum- 
bia: State Co., Printers, 1911), 14. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 291 

News and Couriers invitation to ditch the Republican campaign and 
work for General Wade Hampton's election, he chided the news- 
paper for having yielded to the brutal and bloodthirsty "spirit of 
Edgefield." Later the Democratic party chairman attacked the Gov- 
ernor for not calling upon the white party to help suppress the 
terrorism which was accompanying the electioneering. Chamberlain's 
reply did not show deference to Democratic sensibilities: 

To entrust the protection of those who are today endangered by the 
present disturbances of the armed, mounted, unlawful, Democratic Rifle 
Clubs would, in my sober judgment, be as unnatural and unfaithful in me 
as to set kites to watch doves, or wolves to guard sheep. 20 

Grant sent troops to guard the polls during the election, during 
which enough frauds occurred to make the outcome contestable. 
Negroes did vote, however, and almost all counties with preponder- 
antly Negro populations returned majorities for Chamberlain. Ac- 
cording to the Republican tally, Chamberlain won by 86,216 to 
83,071 votes. 21 

Without military protection Negroes probably would not have 
risked white enmity by voting for Chamberlain. When federal 
troops were withdrawn in April, 1877, as a result of President Ruther- 
ford B. Hayes' "Compromise of 1877," Chamberlain surrendered his 
office to Hampton. In January Chamberlain's wife had nervously 
written to William Lloyd Garrison her fear that blood would flow 
before the contest for the governorship ended. But in an orderly 
transition, Chamberlain graciously exchanged correspondence with 
Hampton and took leave of South Carolina after explaining to his 
followers that they had been betrayed by Hayes. Negroes were, he 
declared, victims of a new political doctrine which required that a 
majority unable to maintain its position by physical force had to 
submit to political servitude. 22 Privately he wrote: 

I see no present hope for the colored race here. It would have been better 
if they had never had the ballot. Poor race, I could wish they could make 
their flight to some other land, even if it were beyond the reach of the 
white man's civilization. Horace Mann is said to have remarked in his 
last days that the trouble with him had been that "he was in a hurry but 
God was not." 23 

20 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 361-363, 387. 

21 Reynolds, Reconstruction, 393-394; Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 444. 

22 Alice I. Chamberlain to William Lloyd Garrison, December 26, 1876, William 
Lloyd Garrison Papers, Boston Public Library, Boston, Massachusetts, hereinafter 
cited as Garrison Papers; Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 480-483. 

23 D. H. Chamberlain to Francis J. Garrison, April 8, 1877, Garrison Papers. 

292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From Columbia Chamberlain proceeded to New York City and to 
senior rank in the law firm of Chamberlain, Carter, and Eaton. Still 
a Republican, he resisted blandishments from Hayes, expressed 
"pride and satisfaction" in his record, and continued to support Negro 
rights. In a letter to William Lloyd Garrison he charged that South- 
ern Republicans had been sold in 

as distinct a bargain as ever existed which was not signed and sealed on 
paper. And the South is not to be blamed . . . but rather those leaders, 
like Evarts, who could never see their Constitutional obligations towards 
the South till the offices were slipping away from their party. 24 

Those newly discovered constitutional obligations, necessitating the 
withdrawal of troops from South Carolina, meant to Chamberlain 
that his defeat was inevitable, for "the uneducated negro was too 
weak, no matter what his numbers, to cope with the whites." 25 

In a July 4, 1877, speech at Woodstock, Connecticut, the former 
Governor drew considerable but not unanimous applause for his 
denunciation of Hayes. The President's policy had, he said, per- 
mitted the 

abandonment of Southern Republicans and especially the colored race, to 
the control and rule not only of the Democratic party, but of that class 
at the South which regarded slavery as a Divine institution, which waged 
four years of destructive war for its perpetuation, which steadily opposed 
citizenship and suffrage for the negro — in a word, a class whose traditions, 
principles and history are opposed to every step and feature of what 
Republicans call our national progress since I860. 26 

Nor had Hayes been correct in invoking state rights to cover his 
action. The question was not one primarily of state or national rights, 
but rather one of national duty as expressed in Section Four of Article 
Four of the Constitution. 27 

Chamberlain did not persist in a campaign against Hayes, as a 
zealot of Garrisonian stamp might have. One of his listeners at Wood- 

24 D. H. Chamberlain to William Lloyd Garrison, June 11, 1877, quoted in Allen, 
Chamberlain's Administration, 504-505. 

25 D. H. Chamberlain to William Lloyd Garrison, June 11, 1877, quoted in Allen, 
Chamberlain's Administration, 504-505. On April 11, 1880, President Hayes wrote 
in his diary: "I am not aware of a single instance in which a conspicuous Republican 
of the South can be said to have been abandoned. Gov Chamberlain alone has not 
received office, and he placed himself in an attitude of antagonism which precluded 
it." T. Harry Williams (ed.), Hayes: The Diary of a President, 1875-1881 (New 
York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964), 270. 

™New York Tribune, July 5, 1877. 
27 New York Tribune, July 5, 1877. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 293 

stock indicated the mood of northern people by rising at the end of 
the speech and complaining that Chamberlain s views were unrep- 
resentative of New England Republicans, who were in full sympathy 
with the President. 28 In private correspondence the next week Cham- 
berlain agreed that it was desirable to have the "Southern question 
settled and put aside, but it cannot be until justice is done— to all 
alike." 29 Then for months he let the issue lie. 

How much longer did Chamberlain advocate Negro rights? 

The February, 1879, issue of the North American Review con- 
tained his next statement on the matter. The article, "Reconstruction 
and the Negro," like all his essays felicitously written, represented 
the mature opinion of a reflective man. Beginning his argument on 
the premise that the Negro's position had been the leading question 
in politics for four decades, Chamberlain asserted that the two forces 
which otherwise would have determined political ends— commerce 
and empire— hated the race issue and wished to take the nation's 
attention off it. Now that white rule, upon the demand of "business 
and the desire for a formal national unity," was restored in the South, 
people were asking whether universal suffrage had been a mistake. 30 

Conceding that Reconstruction failed to achieve complete success, 
but also declaring that the present condition of the colored race was 
intolerable, Chamberlain addressed himself to the charges that (1) 
it was cruel to subject white people to Negro rule and (2) enfran- 
chisement of the Negro had gone against nature by replacing "intelli- 
gence and capacity" with "ignorance and inexperience." To the first 
charge he replied that universal suffrage had not caused subjection 
of the white race to Negro rule. The "sole cause" of the political 
supremacy of the Negroes "was the willful and deliberate refusal of 
the white race to contribute its proper and natural influence to the 
practical work of government." As for the second charge, far from 
violating any natural law, enfranchisement "was the dictate and ex- 
pression of the highest morality applied to the affairs of government, 
the recognition and protection of the natural and inalienable rights 
of all men— the opportunity, without artificial shackles or hindrances, 
to run the race of life." 31 

Progress in reform in South Carolina, he continued, had compelled 

28 New York Tribune, July 5, 1877. 

29 D. H. Chamberlain to [?], July 9, 1877, Betts Collection, Yale University Library. 

30 D. H. Chamberlain, "Reconstruction and the Negro," North American Review, 
CXVIII (February, 1879), 161, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, "Reconstruction 
and the Negro." 

31 Chamberlain, "Reconstruction and the Negro," 162-167. 

294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

acknowledgment even by many of those opposed to Negro suffrage 
that the best assurance for future good government lay with the 
Republican party. White supremacy came about only after "delib- 
erate, organized violence in all its forms, supplemented and crowned 
by the most daring and stupendous election frauds." All this was 
presently being excused by the argument that the inability of a 
people to cope physically and economically with its enemies was 
proof that the people was not entitled to retain its political power. 
To Chamberlain, "Such conclusions are as illogical as they are 
immoral." 32 

Again in 1880 the former Governor defended Negro rights and 
related them to the moral issue of honest government. To President- 
elect James A. Garfield he wrote that the treatment of the Negro in 
the South was a "great national issue." But it was not worth Repub- 
licans' time to attempt a restoration of suffrage unless incorruptible 
appointees and candidates served the party in the South. The whites 
of South Carolina, he said, "could never have been persuaded to 
oppose my re-election but for the acts of a Republican Legislature, 
in denying to them decent government and officers." Garfield invited 
additional comments, and in his second letter Chamberlain offered 
a warning that because free suffrage was prostrate, "all our great 
national interests, economical and moral" were endangered. Many 
Republicans were ready to compensate for the loss of Negro votes by 
aiding "anybody at the South who breaks with the regular Democ- 
racy, regardless of the merits of his cause." In Chamberlain's opinion, 
Republicans by countenancing state debt repudiation movements, 
like William Mahone's in Virginia, were dishonoring the party. 33 

Unfortunately, Garfield, who agreed with Chamberlain's observa- 
tions, soon died and was succeeded by Chester A. Arthur, who co- 
operated closely with Mahone and his Readjustors. 34 In September, 
1883, Chamberlain mourned the decline of "political morality and 
public integrity," as evidenced by Mahone's success. The Readjustor 
program, designed to renounce justly contracted public debts, was 
patently immoral, nothing more than a fraud, so Chamberlain 
thought. He perceived that Arthur was attempting to foster Repub- 
licanism by dropping Negro-dominated factions for discontented 

32 Chamberlain, "Reconstruction and the Negro," 170-172. 

33 D. H. Chamberlain to James A. Garfield, December 28, 1880, in D. H. Chamberlain, 
Political Letters, 1883 (n.p., n.d.), 19-24, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, Political 

34 Stanley P. Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt (Bloomington: Indiana Univer- 
sity Press, 1962), 96, hereinafter cited as Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 295 

white Democrats. 35 Southern Republicans were again being betrayed, 
this time in deference to the fiscally dishonest. 

By 1884 Chamberlain was so disappointed in the Republican party 
that he, along with numerous others, bolted the party and supported 
Grover Cleveland for President. The change, he felt, was the party's, 
not his. "The Republican party was never entitled to claim our sup- 
port, except for the correctness of its principles and the fitness of its 
candidates." 36 Never again a member of a party and distrustful of 
politicians, Chamberlain leaned more and more toward the concepts 
of laissez faire and state rights in his view of governmental responsi- 
bilities. He felt that it was better to leave in private and local hands 
the governance of society than to entrust it to party spoilsmen. 

At Yale in 1887 he told members of Phi Beta Kappa that the North 
had enough problems without tackling those of the South, which had 
experienced "no race conflicts nearly as dangerous, stubborn or in- 
jurious to combatants or communities as the conflicts which have 
marked the North during the last year." In the same speech he con- 
demned the Blair Bill, which proposed federal appropriation of money 
for education, to be distributed to the states in proportion to their 
illiteracy. The bill, said Chamberlain, smacked of federal supervision, 
presenting the "gravest constitutional and practical questions." For 
testing the acceptability of this and any similar legislation, he pre- 
sented his listeners a rule of thumb: "In construing the Constitution, 
the question is never, Is the power denied?' but, Is it granted?' " 3T 

He thought the Blair Bill failed this test and also the practical 
requirement of necessity, because the poverty of the South was a 
thing of the past. The southern states "not only now generally raise 
as much money for public education by State taxes as the Northern, 
but, in general, the public schools of the South are nearly as well 
attended and as efficient as those of the North." Though much re- 
mained to be done for educating the Negro, time, not federal money, 
was the chief requirement. No approach to the problem was "so un- 
reasonable, as well as unphilosophical, as a certain feeling ... of 
over-haste and impatience to solve the problem at once and off- 
hand." 38 

35 D. H. Chamberlain to John T. Dezendorf, September 17, 1883, in Chamberlain, 
Political Letters, 9-13 ; Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt, 106. 

36 D. H. Chamberlain, "A Calm View of the Election," Independent, XXXVI 
(November 13, 1884), 4. 

37 D. H. Chamberlain, Education at the South. Address of D. H. Chamberlain, of 
New York, before the Yale Chapter of the Phi Beta Kappa, at Linonia Hall, New 
Haven, Conn., February 9, 1887 (New York: Evening Post, 1887), 8, 16, hereinafter 
cited as Chamberlain, Education at the South. 

38 Chamberlain, Education at the South, 41-42. 

296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Chamberlain had become an exponent of evolution. Later in the 
year he identified "such men as Sir Henry Maine and Charles Darwin 
as the discoverers, in a genuine sense, of new worlds— vast illimitable 
domains of knowledge and wisdom." They had articulated a "law of 
all natural existence," which explained the inexplicable and disclosed 
"new lines and sure prophecies of advance not before dreamed of." 
It was now obvious to him that reform had to be slow because prog- 
ress was cumulative, stacking each new advance on the authority of 
precedent. With John Ruskin he now saw 

the work of living men not superseding, but building upon, the work of 
the past ; all growing together into one mighty temple ; the rough stones 
and the smooth all finding their place, and rising, day by day, in richer and 
higher pinnacles to Heaven. 39 

Interpreting history as progressive in the long run, Chamberlain 
could place the Negro problem in broader perspective. He reminded 
Charleston sons of New England that both the Pilgrims and Hugue- 
nots experienced the "austere glory of suffering" as well as the "inspir- 
ing hope of triumph." Contemporary South Carolinians had to be 
patient with their peculiar problem and base their hopes on the safe- 
guarding of popular liberty. Thereby, at some unstated time, would 
be attained the goal of "perfect freedom for all who hear God's image" 
—presumably including descendants of non-Pilgrims, non-Huguenots, 
and Negroes. 40 

Examining "The Race Problem at the South" in 1890, Chamberlain 
asked whether, in view of the widespread suppression of the Negro 
vote, the federal government or northern states had any duty to per- 
form or right to assert. "My first answer," he wrote, "is that I do not 
think any people which is free to help itself and does not, ought to 
have help from others. The negro has been helped as no race was 
ever helped before. He was set free by others, not by his own efforts 
. . . and enfranchised by no efforts of his own." Secondly, the federal 
government possessed no constitutional way to aid the Negro. The 
Supreme Court's decision in 1883 on the Civil Rights statute (1875) 
correctly made plain the Fourteenth Amendment's exclusive appli- 
cability to states, not to individuals. Why was "it that the protection 

39 D. H. Chamberlain, "The American System of Trial by Jury," Journal of Social 
Science, XXIII (November, 1887), 85-86, 123-124, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, 
"Trial by Jury." 

40 D. H. Chamberlain, The Character and Work of the Pilgrims of New England, 
Speech at the Annual Dinner of the New England Society of Charleston, S. C, Dec. 
23, 1889 (Charleston: E. Perry & Co., 1890), 10. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 297 

which is sufficient for the white race is thought to be insufficient for 
the colored race?" Why were no other groups subjected to the wrongs 
of which Negroes complained? It was "because no other race or na- 
tionality has the qualities of self-assertion and self-defense to so small 
a degree." For this deficiency there was no legal remedy. The con- 
stitutional limit of protection of the Negro had been reached. 41 

Henry Cabot Lodge's "Force Bill" of 1890 for regulating the elec- 
tion of congressmen struck Chamberlain as partisan and impracti- 
cable. Nearly all everyday interests of the Negro, he argued, lay 
outside Congress' jurisdiction. If such were not so, the bill would still 
achieve nothing because enforcement would require military coercion. 
There seemed to Chamberlain no legal means at all to secure for the 
Negro the vote, nor did he "regard the denial of the negro's or a 
white man's right to vote ... as an occasion warranting the least 
departure from our approved authoritative standards of constitutional 
construction." After all, the colored people were "no longer 'the wards 
of the nation.' They are an integral part of the great body of our peo- 
ple, and new laws or attempts at new laws for the special advantage 
or protection of that race are out of date, impossible, and mis- 
chievous." 42 

Beyond the realm of laws and constitutions, beyond theories, which 
he distrusted, and out of the lessons of actual experience, Chamber- 
lain discovered a "sense ... in which votes are weighed and not 
counted." When control of society was the question, as in South 
Carolina in 1876, and in similar crises, "we shall find," he said, 

that men cannot always be counted by polls, that men in these last resorts 
must be weighed, that brains have weight, that blood tells, that exper- 
ience is strength, that ancestry and history count, that race pride is a factor 
of untold power, that a servile legacy is a legacy and condition which no 
executive proclamation, no constitutional amendment can change or 
remove. 43 

This empirical finding by Chamberlain, in which a contrary reader 
might have discerned the outlines of a racial theory of history, led 
him to conclude: 

It is not good for the black race, not good probably for any race, to exer- 
cise power or to stand in places of responsibility for which they are 

41 D. H. Chamberlain, "The Race Problem at the South," New Englander and Yale 
Review, XVI (June, 1890), 509, 512-516, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, "The Race 

42 Chamberlain, "The Race Problem," 520-523, 511. 

43 Chamberlain, "The Race Problem," 510-511. 

298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

unfitted or unequal. The rule of the numerical majority at the South from 
1867 to 1876, wherever it prevailed, resulted in intolerable misgovern- 
ment. 44 

In thirteen years the carpetbag Governor had become an eloquent 
critic of his own government. The old reform days did retain, how- 
ever, at least a sentimental attraction. In an 1892 attack on the Repub- 
lican party for its stand on the tariff, which he considered the leading 
issue of that year's presidential campaign, Chamberlain lamented 
that the "great party of the war for the Union, of emancipation, the 
party of Lincoln and Sumner," had "sold itself . . . unreservedly to 
tariff beneficiaries and monopolists." His attitude toward government 
protection of business, through tariffs or other means, paralleled his 
attitude on government protection of Negroes: "The limit of the 
rightful power of free government is the security of individual action 
and effort. Any tariff . . . which does in fact favor or protect some 
interests and not others is an evil, a violation of the principle of free- 
dom and equality of rights and privileges." 45 

Last in importance as an issue in 1892, Chamberlain announced, 
was the "Force Bill." The country would never tolerate such a law 
because it had only one purpose, the perpetuation of party power. 

The South must be left to work out its own problems. If evils exist there 
the only agencies competent to deal with them are the communities them- 
selves most affected by such evils. If in some localities even a majority of 
the voters cannot vote freely or safely, the evil must be left to be dealt with 
by the voters who are concerned. No majority of voters in any American 
community, when it becomes intelligent, responsible and experience [d] 
in the use of the ballot, can be disfranchised by the minority. If the present 
minority represents the vast preponderance of the intelligence, the prop- 
erty, and the civil experience of those communities, how futile, how mis- 
chievous, how unpatriotic to seek by outside agencies to give effect and 
power to a mere numerical majority! 46 

By 1896 individual liberty meant for Chamberlain not the promo- 
tion of political equality, as it had twenty years earlier, but the right 
to save oneself from the rising tide of equality. He told the graduating 
class at Northwestern University that he did not completely reject the 
idea that all men are created equal. "But the truth has now dawned 
on all clear-sighted men; it will shine more and more unto the perfect 

44 Chamberlain, "The Race Problem," 510-511. 

45 D. H. Chamberlain, The Political Issues of 1892, Speech at the Academy of Music, 
Philadelphia, October 28, 1892 (New York: Albert B. King, 1892 [?]), 8-9, 14, herein- 
after cited as Chamberlain, Political Issues. 

40 Chamberlain, Political Issues, 35, 39. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 299 

day;— that freedom as a fact, as a practical thing, is never, and never 
can be, absolute." Under conditions of democracy, full suffrage, and 
the idea of equality, broad inroads were being made into the old and 
inherited domain of individual freedom. If the southern Negro was 
a victim of thralldom, he was no worse off than the citizens of New 
York, who suffered the tyranny "of the mob, the populace, the prole- 
tariat, or the so-called organized forces of labor, the armies led by our 
Debs, our Gompers, and our Powderly." Better conditions for both the 
North and South would come only when the immigrants in the former 
and the Negroes in the latter section acquired the Anglo-Saxon gen- 
ius for self-government. 47 

To historians, Chamberlain's best-known statement on the Negro 
and Reconstruction has been the one appearing in Atlantic Monthly 
for April, 1901. There he wrote of the blindness of partisan zeal as 
expressed by Radicals in congressional debates. Sounding like a man 
who felt he had been used for base purposes, he saw that the primary 
objective of the Republican party had been "to secure party ascend- 
ency and control at the South and in the nation through the negro 
vote." South Carolina whites had bowed to Radical domination in 
1867 because they were stunned and adrift without a leader of John 
C. Calhoun's stature. Even had they possessed competent leaders 
willing to participate in a mixed government, the whites would have 
been alienated from the Negroes. 

It cannot be too confidently asserted that from 1867 to 1872 nothing would 
have been more unwelcome to the leaders of reconstruction at Washington 
than the knowledge that the whites of South Carolina were gaining in- 
fluence over the blacks, or were helping to make laws, or were holding of- 
fice. The writer knows his ground here; and there is available written 
evidence in abundance to avouch all his statements and opinions, — evi- 
dence, too, which will sometime be given to the world. 48 

At last provoked beyond endurance, South Carolina whites in 1876, 
believing their choice was "between violence and lawlessness for a 
time, and misrule for all time," chose the former. So had "people of 
force, pride, and intelligence" ever done. 49 

As for the Negro in the year 1901, his welfare, according to Cham- 

47 D. H. Chamberlain, Limitations of Freedom, An Address Delivered before the 
Northwestern University, at its Commencement, at Chicago, June 11, 1896 (n.p., 
n.d.), 9-10, 20. 

48 D. H. Chamberlain, "Reconstruction in South Carolina," Atlantic Monthly, 
LXXXVII (April, 1901), 473-476, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, "Reconstruction 
in South Carolina." 

49 Chamberlain, "Reconstruction in South Carolina," 481. 

300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

berlain, lay in the total reversal of "the spirit and policy of recon- 
struction which brought on him this Iliad of woes." Through industry 
and thrift he could gain all he needed of livelihood and education; any 
gratuitous abundance or position would only promote his idleness and 

Above all things, let him be taught that his so-called rights depend on 
himself alone. Tell him, compel him by iteration to know, that no race 
or people has yet long had freedom unless it was won and kept by itself ; 
won and kept by courage, by intelligence, by vigilance, by prudence. . . . 
Self-government under constitutions presupposes a firm determination, and 
mental, moral and physical capacity, ready and equal to the defense of 
rights. Neither the negro nor the white man can have them on other 
terms. 50 

In 1904, in ill health and three years from death, Chamberlain was 
still turning the Negro question in his mind. A series of letters, to 
James Bryce and to newspapers, revealed his conclusions at the end of 
a lifetime of inquiry. The lesson he drew from his term as governor 
was "that with a preponderating electorate of negroes, it never was 
within the bounds of possibility to keep up a bearable government." 
There had been nothing strange either in the whites' seizure of govern- 
ment or in the Negroes' submission to them. How, after all, could a 
people which never lifted a finger against its own enslavement, a con- 
dition which Anglo-Saxons would not have tolerated at any cost, have 
been expected to demand or retain self-government? 51 

Instead of criticizing white southerners, Chamberlain continued, the 
northerner of 1904 should extend to them sympathy for their burden, 
"greater than was ever before put on white men." Southerners knew 
the Negro's limits and governed him and their actions accordingly. 
Northerners familiar with the South saw the wisdom of the southern 
policy and disabused themselves of the notion that education, "mean- 
ing book knowledge, or literary and academic training," would end 
the Negro's faults. "The three R's are all the average negro needs. 
After that, industrial education, the training of the hand and eye for 
work, is all that will help him . . . more than this is positively hurtful." 
The "most idle, thriftless, worthless negroes one sees at the South, or 
many of them, are what are called well-educated." 52 

In a final insight into the race problem, Chamberlain found in the 
Negro's own behavior the cause of his difficulties. It was "the nameless 

50 Chamberlain, "Reconstruction in South Carolina," 483-484. 

51 Chamberlain, Our So-Called Negro Problem, 24, 27. 

52 Chamberlain, Our So-Called Negro Problem, 27-31. 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 301 

crime" of rape by Negroes of white women. Ordinarily opposed to 
lynching, Chamberlain "came very near to saying" that he did not 
blame the South for resorting to lynch law in the case of rape. And 
was it not strange that Negro leaders did not realize that this was 
the cause of so much racial conflict? When this "crime which first 
caused lynchings" was made extinct by the Negroes themselves, all 
that would be required to work out the race problem would be for 
the whites to employ "the old, tried, commonplace virtues"— humane- 
ness, helpfulness, patience— and a "readiness to yield and defend all 
the ordinary civil rights." 53 

It was of course Chamberlain's experience in South Carolina which 
made his later comments on race significant, and it was that experience, 
subsequent visits to the state, and correspondence with acquaintances 
in the South which he cited as the bases of his conclusions. Given these 
bases, there were certain patterns in his intellectual process which so 
conditioned what he observed of the Negro as to be themselves of 
basic importance. Disdain for the Republican party and bitterness at 
the "spirit of party," 54 adoration of the law, insistence on strict con- 
struction of federal powers, and confidence in evolution were such 
powerful forces in his thought that there is the temptation to believe 
that they— not field trips to the South— largely accounted for his re- 
versal in opinion. 

To understand Chamberlain's separation from the Republican party, 
it is helpful to look at him as a member of the national party in the 
1860's and 1870's, not just as a carpetbagger. Assuming that he was 
an honest man possessing the views of New England Republicans and 
recalling that he spoke out for reform in South Carolina as early as 
1870, one can see that Chamberlain resembled those reform Repub- 
licans, like Carl Schurz and Henry Adams, who bolted the party in 
1872. Their failure not being lost on him, he remained to reform the 
Republican party in South Carolina from within. After achieving large 
success there, he voted at the 1876 national convention on the first 
seven ballots for the presidential nomination of General Benjamin H. 
Bristow, exposer of the Whisky Ring in Grant's administration. 55 

Even after Hayes betrayed him, Chamberlain retained some hope 
for the party and for Negro suffrage. For a time he tried to persuade 
Stalwarts to drive Hayes over "neck, heels, and boots to the Democ- 

53 Chamberlain, Our So-Called Negro Problem, 7, 8, 16, 29. 

54 Frederic Adams, Daniel Henry Chamberlain, by Frederic Adams; Read before the 
Yale Class of 1862, June 25, 1907 (n.p., n.d.), 8, thinks Chamberlain never recovered 
physically from the strain of 1877. 

55 Allen, Chamberlain's Administration, 271; Matthew Josephson, The Politicos, 
1865-1896 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1938), 159-160, 213-214. 


302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

racy," so that the Republican position could be salvaged. 56 Although 
briefly inspired by Garfield's interest in his recommendations, he de- 
cided by 1884 that Arthur's patently opportunistic handling of the 
southern question and the party's endorsement of a heretical economic 
policy doomed both political decency and the welfare of the Negro. 
In supporting Cleveland, as he did actively in 1884 and 1892, he found 
a candidate who was above all concerned with good government, who 
advocated free trade, and who did not have to appeal to Negro votes. 
In veering toward the Democratic party, Chamberlain seemed to ac- 
cept its ideas on race as well as on civil service and trade. 

After 1884 Chamberlain denied allegiance to any party. His view- 
points conformed to those of Mugwumps, those political independents 
who lived along the eastern seaboard, who were of Anglo-Saxon, 
Protestant, and New England backgrounds, and who "generally ad 
vocated tariff reductions, sound currency, and civil service reforms. 
Like other Mugwumps, Chamberlain deplored the sectional appeal, 
the waving of the "bloody shirt" in elections— often at the expense of 
reform candidates. By 1890 he saw no way to ease the Negro problem 
in the arena of party politics. It was better "to lay aside political agi- 
tation of a question which is beyond the reach of political action." 58 

Probably because of the uses he saw unsavory men make of the 
powers of federal government, Chamberlain advocated a retraction 
of those powers to their pre-Civil War status. In 1893 he complained 
that the Legal Tender acts of 1862 and 1863 remained to "poison" the 
nation's financial life, but thankfully the decisions in the Slaughter- 
house Cases had saved the federal system from the "vagaries of the 
era of reconstruction." 59 Thus restricted, the federal government 
could do little to aid Negroes, but Chamberlain, like the Supreme 
Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883, believed that the Negro must 
cease to be the special favorite of the law and take his place as a 
mere citizen. 60 

Chamberlain rarely criticized Supreme Court decisions. This was 
so partly because the decisions pleased him and also because of his 
adoration of the institution of the law. In his opinion the highest 

56 Vincent P. DeSantis, Republicans Face the Southern Question (Baltimore: Johns 
Hopkins Press [Volume I of the Seventy-Seventh Series of the Johns Hopkins Univer- 
sity Studies in Historical and Political Sciences'], 1959), 105. 

57 Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt, 123. 

58 Chamberlain, "The Race Problem," 518. 

59 D. H. Chamberlain, "State Sovereignty Before 1789," Yale Review, II (November, 
1893), 250-251. 

60 United States v. Stanley, United States v. Ryan, United States v. Nichols, United 
States v. Singleton, and Robinson and Wife v. Memphis and Charleston Railroad 
Company, 109 U.S. 3 (1883). 

A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy 303 

achievement of English-speaking peoples was the law, whose para- 
mount concept was stare decisis, the use of precedent as authority. 
Precedent too was the basis of society: "Our own American polity— 
a Constitutional Democracy— draws its strength, and ever will draw 
it, largely from such conservative forces as lie in the idea of stare 
decisis." Precedent, law, continuity— these were the essential founda- 
tions of civilization. That of the Greeks, with all its noble ideas, had 
withered for lack of law. 61 

As an institution, the law seemed no more able than the Republican 
party to deal with the Negro question. It was, however, a way of 
conserving those old-time values which the Protestant church had 
guarded in the past and which Negroes had to acquire if they were 
to become self-governing. Self-reliance, private initiative, hard work— 
the Puritan qualities— were icons which Chamberlain, who posthum- 
ously published his rejection of the "whole Christian religion," 62 
transferred from the church to the shrine of law. The conservators of 
the law which he helped to construct— the Yale Law School, the New 
York Bar Association, and the American Bar Association— together 
with the Supreme Court could defend American traditions against 
the "mad waves of nullification, insurrection, anarchy, and social- 
ism," 63 and, he might have added, premature Negro suffrage. 

From worship of the Anglo-Saxon institution of law, it was no long 
step to the "scientific" racism of the "law" of evolution. The studies 
of Sir Henry Maine revealed to Chamberlain a natural history of 
law, 64 and from the writings of William Graham Sumner 65 (whom 
he knew), Herbert Spencer, Walter Bagehot, and John Fiske, he 
found stages of evolution for races. 66 Obviously on a lower social level 

61 D. H. Chamberlain, "The State Judiciary — Its Place in the American Constitutional 
System," in University of Michigan Political Science Association (ed.), Constitutional 
History of the United States as Seen in the Development of American Law (New 
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1889), 284, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, "The 
State Judiciary"; D. H. Chamberlain, The Doctrine of Stare Decisis (New York: 
Baker, Voorhis and Co., 1885), 26, 30, 28, hereinafter cited as Chamberlain, Stare 

62 D. H. Chamberlain, "Some Conclusions of a Free-Thinker," North American 
Review, CLXXXVI (October, 1907), 194. 

63 Chamberlain, "The State Judiciary," 285. 

64 Chamberlain, "Trial by Jury," 1; Chamberlain, Stare Decisis, 28-29. 

65 In 1885 Chamberlain thought that Sumner disliked him because of the South's 
role in defeating Samuel J. Tilden, whom Sumner supported. D. H. Chamberlain to 
Simeon E. Baldwin, August 22, 1885, Simeon E. Baldwin Collection, Yale University 
Library. But in 1896 he spoke fraternally of "Bill" Sumner, praised his scholarship 
and teaching, and reckoned that if the Yale administration were not "medieval" 
Sumner would be the university president. D. H. Chamberlain, Debating and Parlia- 
mentary Practice at Yale (New York: Privately printed, 1896), 13-14. 

66 D. H. Chamberlain, The Power of History: An Address Delivered before the 
Westborough (Mass.) Historical Society, January 19, 1899 (n. p., 1900[?]), 3-5 herein- 
after cited as Chamberlain, Power of History; Chamberlain, "The State Judiciary," 
240-241; Chamberlain, "Trial by Jury," 41-42; Green, Personal Recollections, 12-13. 

304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

as a slave, the Negro also must have been on a lower level of devel- 
opment, for, Chamberlain erroneously averred, the Negro never re- 
volted against his enslavement. The one area in which the Negro did 
manifest aggressiveness— rape— only damned him as barbaric in Cham- 
berlain's mind. 

Evolution also supported Chamberlain's opposition to imperialism, 
just as it gave other racists arguments to the contrary. It was true, 
he agreed, that nations could not stand still: "The law is— Progress 
or Retrogression." But Americans in Hawaii or the Philippines would 
not submit to the rule of Asiatic majorities and would have to suspend 
their system of political and legal equality. Chamberlain, assuming 
the inevitability of racial clashes, bade expansionists to heed the 
"voice of warning" from South Carolina and to divert their energies 
to the exploitation of North America. 67 

Evolutionists and conservatives, critics of democracy like Thomas 
Carlyle, John Ruskin, Henry Maine, and W. E. H. Lecky, enhanced 
for Chamberlain, upon his retirement, the study of history. If law 
could institutionalize the civilization of Massachusetts, history could 
popularize, could "keep," "advance," and "hand it on to the waiting 
generations." The value of history to a people could easily be under- 
stood by observing the sad, but natural, plight of the Negro with his 
"absolute lack of anything that may be called ... a history." Were 
it in his power, Chamberlain would have granted to the Negro the 
greatest boon possible— not suffrage, public office, or education, but 
"a record of ancestral character and achievements which would put 
him on an equality with other . . . races of men." 68 

So far as Chamberlain, after many years of thought, could reason, 
the Negro in America must await his history, must "follow the exam- 
ple of time itself, which indeed innovateth greatly, but quietly, and 
by degrees scarce to be perceived." 69 Was he aware of the ironic 
applicability of these last words to his own history? 

67 D. H. Chamberlain, Imperialism, An Address before the Quaboag Historical Society, 
Warren, Mass., Dec. 6, 1898 (North Brookfield: Privately printed, 1898), 1, 6-9. 

68 Chamberlain, Power of History, 10, 15-16. 

69 Chamberlain, Stare Decisis, 30, quoting Bacon. 

By Thomas C. Parramore* 

The story of the advent, decline, and collapse of the Church of 
England in America is one of immoderate futility. Aside from the 
basic consideration that the desire to flee the authority of the estab- 
lished church was a primary impetus to colonization, there were 
numberless formidable obstacles to Anglican success in America. 
These obstacles-— arduous passage to and travel within the colonies, 
the notorious inadequacy of clerical stipends, the deprivations com- 
mon to layman and cleric alike— came into focus during the efforts 
of the church to recruit priests for service in the colonies. The gener- 
ations during which the church basked in the favor of the crown had 
not bred in the Anglican clergy sizable reservoirs of that zeal which 
impelled one to forego a comfortable English benefice for the perils 
of a frontier mission. While some tenuous case might be made for the 
attractions of the more advanced colonies, the appeal of North Caro- 
lina, by all accounts, might be compared with that of Siberia for the 
subjects of the czar. Even with the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts straining every resource, fewer than fifty 
Anglican ministers ever accepted appointments in North Carolina 
during the century in which the church labored there. 1 

The majority of forty-plus Anglican missionaries who eventually 
came to North Carolina soon regretted it; many broke under the 
physical strain or lapsed into irresponsible behavior after confronta- 
tion with the challenge of service. Only a few withstood the hardships 
and opposition in the colonies, including the final apocalypse of po- 
litical revolution, without stain upon their integrity. The stories of 
Daniel Earl and Charles Pettigrew have been told, that of John Alex- 
ander has not. 

Little is known of John Alexander before his appearance in North 

* Dr. Parramore is assistant professor of history, Meredith College, Raleigh. 

1 Sarah McCulloh Lemmon, "The Genesis of the Protestant Episcopal Diocese of 
North Carolina, 1701-1823," North Carolina Historical Review, XXVIII (October, 
1951), 436, hereinafter cited as Lemmon, "Genesis of the Protestant Episcopal 
Diocese." This source gives forty-four as the number of Anglican priests licensed for 
North Carolina. Names of forty-seven priests are given in Spencer Ervin, "The 
Anglican Church in North Carolina," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, XXV (June, 1956), 158-161, hereinafter cited as Ervin, "Anglican Church 
in North Carolina." 

306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina late in 1762. He was born of a Scotch-Irish, Presbyterian 
family in northern Ireland about 1738 and was educated at the famous 
old grammar school established by Edward VI at Shrewsbury. 2 Soon 
after reaching years of discretion he was received into the Presby- 
terian ministry and assigned a congregation in northern Ireland. He 
was evidently an idealistic and adventurous young cleric for in 1762 
he requested and was granted leave to travel in America for three 
years to carry the Word to colonials. Doubtless inspired by a desire 
to combat evil at the source, he chose as his mission field the province 
of North Carolina, where large segments of the Scotch-Irish settlers 
had never seen a minister of any denomination. 

During the winter of 1762-1763 John Alexander earned his bread 
by preaching to congregations in the western part of Beaufort County 
(about to be cut off as Pitt County), where most of the population 
professed Anglican sentiments. The experience was destined to change 
his life, for the Reverend Alexander's principal convert was himself; 
he became interested in the tenets of the Church of England and re- 
solved to seek holy orders to continue his work as an Anglican mis- 
sionary. Strongly supported by members of his congregations, he 
applied to the Reverend Alexander Stewart, the missionary stationed 
in that part of the province, for a recommendation to the Bishop of 
London, before whom all candidates for ordination were required to 
appear. Unfortunately, Parson Stewart had received an adverse im- 
pression of the young Presbyterian's character and declined to give 
his recommendation. In a letter to the society in the spring of 1763, 
Stewart observed that the applicant had 

wrought upon y e people so much in Pytt county, that they were preparing 
a recommendation for him to y e Bishop of London, & y e Society [,] & I 
had many enemies because I refused to sign y e recommendation. But he dis- 
covered himself by his unguardedness and over hott temper too soon, & 
by y* means stopp'd their proceedings. 3 

Describing Alexander as "between 25 and 30 years of age, tho' he 
calls himself younger, a small man and marked with the Small Pox," 4 
Stewart urged the society to caution. He thought that recommenda- 
tions from North Carolina should be examined carefully "for many 
it is probable will be y e attempts to impose on them.' 


2 Alexander Stewart to Secretary, Society for the Propogation of the Gospel, March 
20, 1763, Francis Hawks Collection, Church Historical Society, Austin, Texas, herein- 
after cited as Hawks Collection. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel is 
hereinafter cited as Society. 

3 Alexander Stewart to Society, March 20, 1763, Hawks Collection. 
* Alexander Stewart to Society, March 20, 1763, Hawks Collection. 
5 Alexander Stewart to Society, March 20, 1763, Hawks Collection. 

John Alexander, Anglican Missionary 307 

As Stewart predicted, John Alexander headed southward still de- 
termined to pursue, if at all possible, his Anglican ambitions. Within 
a few months he arrived at the village of Sunbury on the coast of 
Georgia where he took charge of an Anglican congregation. His deci- 
sion to settle in Sunbury appears to have been due mainly to the 
encouragement given him by one prominent layman resident in the 
vicinity. Without giving his sponsor's name, Alexander later described 
this individual as his "only patron, this side of the water . . ., an assid- 
uous, indefatigable promoter of [the church's] interest and prosper- 
ity." 6 

Certainly the blandishments of this lone patron must have been 
alluring for in almost no other respect could Sunbury be described 
as a promising site for an Episcopal station. In the first place, the 
community, settled only five years earlier, was stanchly Puritan. The 
settlers had brought with them the Reverend John Osgood, the sec- 
ond Presbyterian minister to appear in Georgia, and they were in no 
mood to make room for a preacher of the established church. 7 

Nevertheless, John Alexander persevered against Puritan objections. 
The town, beautifully situated on the coast at the mouth of Medway 
River, was enjoying a lively growth and seemed destined to become 
one of the principal seaports of Georgia. 8 After two years' work there, 
Alexander was, in 1765, able to secure the necessary recommenda- 
tions for orders. Departing from Charleston in the late fall, he sailed 
for London where, early in 1766, he was ordained an Anglican min- 
ister. 9 The society, in spite of Stewart's adverse report, awarded Alex- 
ander a supplemental income. He left for Charleston in the spring, 
arrived there about the first week in August, and promptly set out 
for Sunbury. 10 

Alexander found the South Atlantic coastal population in a serious 
plight. Charles Woodmason, another newly ordained Anglican who 

6 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

7 George Gilman Smith, The Story of Georgia and the Georgia People, 1732-1860 
(Atlanta: Franklin Printing and Publishing Company, 1900), 44-47. The Sunbury 
Puritans were Congregationalists who first came from England to Dorchester, Massa- 
chusetts, in 1630, settled at Dorchester, South Carolina, in 1680, and founded Sunbury 
in 1758. 

8 William Bacon Stevens, Early History of the Church in Georgia. A Discourse 
Delivered Before the Fiftieth Annual Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
in the Diocese of Georgia in Christ Church, Savannah, Ascension Day, May 22, 1873, 
By the Rt. Rev. Wm. Bacon Stevens, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of the Diocese of Pennsyl- 
vania (Philadelphia: M'Calla and Staveley, 1873), 51, hereinafter cited as Stevens, 
Early History of the Church in Georgia. 

9 Richard J. Hooker (ed.), The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution: 
The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason, Anglican Itinerant (Chapel 
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953), 85, hereinafter cited as Hooker, 
Carolina Backcountry. 

10 Hooker, Carolina Backcountry, 85. 

308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

reached Charleston only a few days ahead of Alexander, learned that 
the summer had been "hotter than ever known and both Town and 
Country exceeding sickly, owing to a most inclement Spring and Sum- 
mer [,] more rain having fallen from March to August . . . than in 7 
years preceding." n As a result, an "Endemic Fever" was raging in 
Charleston and decimating the residents of town and country alike. 12 
In Sunbury, Alexander found that "a grievous sickness had for some 
time prevailed and . . . carried off great numbers of the inhabitants. 
. . ," 13 By early September, Parson Alexander himself was besieged 
by "the symptoms of a malignant fever . . . which in a short time 
brought me," he informed the society "to the gates of death and all 
despaired of my life. . . ." 14 Indeed, Woodmason heard from "3 Rev- 
erend Gentlemen" that Alexander had died in the throes of fever. 15 
But the same constitution that had survived smallpox now found 
strength for another rally. By December 13 Alexander could write 
the society that his affliction had subsided and he had begun "to re- 
cover a little." 16 He had been among the more fortunate; Woodmason 
sent to England a long list of Church of England ministers who did 
not survive the disease. 

By the end of 1766 the town of Sunbury seemed to be facing its 
final winter. Alexander's epistle to the society was full of foreboding: 

The unfavorable casualties and indeed discouraging circumstances that 
have in very special manner occurred here of late, has occasioned the pur- 
chasing of lands on the river San Juan in E. Florida, where a town is laid 
out to which most people here, who have been happy enough to have their 
lives given them . . ., and overcome their disease, intend DV to remove 
themselves as soon as spring arrives. 17 

Those left behind would be only "a few indegents [sic] who are no 
less abandoned to idleness and sloth, than incorragable [sic] and deaf 
to admonition or reproof." 18 Worse still, his principal patron had been 
one of the victims claimed by the fever epidemic. The dissenting sects 
had, during Alexander s stay in England, appropriated the only house 
of worship in the community, and Alexander, "to avoid contention, to 
which they are ever prone" had performed divine services in his own 
house. 19 Finally, the parson was compelled to bewail 

11 Hooker, Carolina Backcountry, 84. 

12 Hooker, Carolina Backcountry, 84. 

13 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

14 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

15 Hooker, Carolina Backcountry, 192. 

16 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 
"John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

18 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

19 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

John Alexander, Anglican Missionary 309 

The levity and caprice of such as appeared very forward in Encouraging 
my going to England for episcopal ordination, but have shewed not the 
least desire of promoting the interests of the church, since my return 
among them, which almost causes one to suspect the sincerity of their 
former behaviour. 20 

How much of Alexander's complaint was justified and how much 
attributable to his own "over hott temper" is indeterminate, but there 
seems to have been more, as will appear, to his misfortunes at Sun- 
bury than appeared on the face of his missives to the society. His 
setbacks arose from no failure of his resolution to face any odds if 
the glory of his church would be promoted. He asked the society to 
appoint him "Itinerant Missionary to the Northwest part of North 
Carolina" where he was "assured there is no one teacher of any de- 
nomination whatever. . . ." 21 This he requested from "no other motive 
than a desire of benefitting my own and other souls," and to "labour 
in the Gospel of our blessed redeemer to whom I must render an 
impartial account ... in that awful day for which, prepare me, good 
Jesus." 22 

The society, apparently apprised of Alexander's work through other 
sources, received his account of his hardships with little sympathy. 
A missionary at Savannah, evidently at the society's request, made "a 
private Enquiry" into Alexander's behavior, 23 in consequence of which 
the latter was reproved "for poor conduct" and dropped from the roll 
of ministers whose salaries were supplemented by society funds. 24 
No doubt Alexander's want of tact was his own worst enemy, but 
church historian William B. Stevens' charge that the parson had 
"given but little satisfaction," done "apparently no good," and de- 
meaned himself "in such a way as brought . . . scandal to the 
Church," 25 seems an unnecessarily severe judgment. Parson Alexan- 
der had suffered a baffling variety of hardships at Sunbury in which 
his church appears to have rendered him precious little succor. In 
March he applied to the provincial legislature of Georgia for his half- 
year's salary, a nominal £12 10s, and departed Sunbury forever. 26 It 

20 John Alexander to Society, February 7, 1767, Hawks Collection. 

21 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

22 John Alexander to Society, December 13, 1766, Hawks Collection. 

^Samuel Frink to Society, January 7, 1768, Edgar W. Knight Collection, Papers 
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, Volume 31 of 
microfilm copy, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at 
Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Knight Collection. 

24 Henry Thompson Malone, The Episcopal Church in Georgia, 1733-1957 (Atlanta: 
Foote and Davies, 1960), 35. 

25 Stevens, Early History of the Church in Georgia, 51. 

28 Allen Daniel Candler (ed.), The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (Atlanta: 
Franklin-Turner Company, 16 volumes, 1905-1916), X, 119. 

310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was Woodmason's intelligence that "the Dissenters made the Place 
too warm for him to stay. . . ." 27 

In the spring of 1767 Alexander doggedly retraced his steps north- 
ward in pursuit of his calling. Late in the season he arrived in the 
town of Furrysburg, South Carolina, and contracted with the protes- 
tant community to serve it, with the understanding "that his good 
Behaviour [was] a condition of his continuing. . . ." 28 The ensuing 
experience was displeasing to minister and congregations alike. Alex- 
ander's successor at Purrysburg later informed the society that the 
climate there was so oppressive that "a man of forty years old is older 
than ones of sixty in Europe," that the only available bread was 
"made of Indian corn Boilled in water," and that the people were 
"almost savages." 29 By September Alexander had run afoul of his 
parishioners and was again forced to abandon his pulpit and move 
northward. 30 He had ample reason to suspect that his days as an 
Anglican priest were numbered. 

The circumstance that rescued John Alexander from the complete 
frustration of his hopes was the advent into North Carolina of Wil- 
liam Tryon as governor in 1765. An enthusiastic partisan of the 
church, Tryon had from the beginning made the refurbishing of its 
strength and influence a principal goal of his tenure. In the spring of 
the year 1768, when John Alexander began to preach in St. Barnabas 
Parish (Hertford County), Tryon was making valiant efforts to re- 
cruit personnel for the church in numerous vacancies. If Alexander 
could establish a good reputation in St. Barnabas there was hope that 
his past errors might be forgotten. And so it was that acting "at the 
request of some of the inhabitants of Hertford County and in consid- 
eration of a Testimonial of his good behavior from that Vestry . . ." 
Tryon in May, 1769, provided Parson Alexander with letters of pre- 
sentation to St. Barnabas Parish. 31 

The fragmentary records of the Church of England in America 
indicate that John Alexander was the only Anglican priest ever sta- 
tioned in St. Barnabas following its formation in 1759. The parish had 

27 Hooker, Carolina Backcountry, 85. In 1771 the Reverend Timothy Lowton, en 
route to East Florida, went through Sunbury and, at the request of some inhabitants, 
stayed there as Anglican missionary. Alexander's forecast of doom for the town was 
premature, though it vanished later. See Stevens, Early History of the Church in 
Georgia, 51. 

28 Edward Ellington to Society, June 30, 1768, Knight Collection. 

20 Adam de Hartel to Bishop of London, July 13, 1769, Fulham Palace Manuscripts, 
Volume 10, microfilm, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 

30 Edward Ellington to Society, June 30, 1768, Knight Collection. 

31 William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: 
State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), VIII, 50, hereinafter cited as 
Saunders, Colonial Records. 

John Alexander, Anglican Missionary 311 

been formed from parts of the older Society (Bertie County) and 
St. George (Northampton County) parishes. As early as 1722 the 
Reverend Thomas Newnam had preached to Wiccacon Creek and 
Meherrin River congregations within what became Hertford County, 32 
but his death, within six months after his arrival, left the fostering 
of Anglicanism largely in the hands of lay readers. 

Whereas Newnam found the people of the area "well pleas'd" with 
his visits, so that his congregations were "very full and numerous," 33 
no subsequent Anglican enjoyed so warm a reception there. The chief 
reason was the appearance in 1729 of a Baptist group at what became 
Murfreesboro on Meherrin River. 34 This congregation, the second es- 
tablished in North Carolina by Baptists, was one of the sources of "a 
Laodecean [sic] hike warmness" encountered by the Anglican Rev- 
erend John Boyd in the region in 1735. 35 Only a concerted rival effort 
by the established church could have countered the rapid advance of 
Baptists and, to some extent, Quakers in the years that followed. 

Despite this difficulty, the Anglicans maintained a tenuous influ- 
ence in the region that would become St. Barnabas Parish. By 1740 
there were regular, though infrequent, services at a chapel erected 
by James Maney in the Maney's Neck vicinity and at Timber Branch 
where the Bertie County court was seated. 36 There may also have 
been a chapel at Wiccacon Creek. 37 The erection of St. John's Chapel 
at Timber Branch in 1750 seemed to betoken a gathering strength 
among the Anglicans, but in 1773 Lemuel Burkitt, one of the most 
effective ministers in the history of North Carolina Baptists, settled 
on a farm three miles to the west of St. John's 38 and inaugurated a 
great new era for Baptists in the province. 39 The work of Burkitt and 

82 Thomas Newnam to Society, June 29, 1722, Knight Collection. 

33 Thomas Newnam to Society, June 29, 1722, Knight Collection. 

34 George Washington Paschal, History of North Carolina Baptists (Raleigh: 
Edwards, Broughton and Company, 2 volumes, 1930, 1955), I, 166, hereinafter cited 
as Paschal, North Carolina Baptists. 

85 Quoted in Henry Lewis, Northampton Parishes (Jackson: n.p., 1951), 9, here- 
inafter cited as Lewis, Northampton Parishes. 

38 "Miscellaneous Items," James Robert Bent Hathaway (ed.), North Carolina 
Historical and Genealogical Register, II (April, 1901), 304, hereinafter cited as 
Hathaway, Historical and Genealogical Register. Since the Reverend Boyd noted that 
St. George's, which included Maney's Neck, had no chapel in 1735, Maney's Chapel, 
later called St. Luke's, must have been built between then and the first-known reference 
to it in 1739. Services at Timber Branch (now St. John's village) were evidently held 
in the courthouse there. 

37 No known contemporary record refers to Wiccacon Chapel prior to 1785. But as 
early as 1723 Bertie County deeds contain reference to a 50-acre tract on Wiccacon 
Creek belonging to "Christian Church." See Mary Best Bell and Edythe S. Dunston, 
Colonial Bertie County, North Carolina (Windsor: n.p., 5 volumes, 1963-1965), I, 5. 

^Record of Deeds, Bertie County, Book G (1744-1753), 282, microfilm copy, Archives, 
State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. 

39 John Wheeler Moore, "Lemuel Burkitt," Chapter V in "Sketches of Pioneer Baptist 
Preachers in North Carolina," newspaper columns pasted in bound volume, North 
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 

312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the onset of revolution would undermine whatever opportunity the 
Church of England might have had in St. Barnabas. 

One of the problems raised by the Baptist strength in Hertford 
County was the difficulty of finding worthy Anglicans to serve on the 
parish vestry. The vestry that accepted Alexander's services appears 
to have included several, if not a majority, of dissenters from his creed 
and this could only mean friction in the months ahead. 40 Trouble 
was not long in coming. After three years of service, the vestry still 
had not presented Alexander with the glebe which, by law, should 
have been provided him. In 1771 he was obliged to sue for the sum 
of £306 135. due in lieu of a glebe. 41 He must have made his point 
for a tax census of 1779 shows him as owner of a 350-acre farm, six 
slaves, fourteen head of cattle, and three horses. 42 There is no further 
indication of difficulty between the vestry and the parson. 

Meanwhile the catalog of Colonial grievances against the mother 
country and its functionaries was advancing at an appalling rate. The 
Anglican clergymen were being forced to choose between the crown, 
from whom they received their appointments, and the people, whose 
taxes provided their incomes. In neighboring St. George's Parish, the 
Reverend Charles Edward Taylor complained to the society in 1774 
that dissatisfaction over "the difference of his Majesty's instructions to 
the sentiments of our assembly" had fallen "particularly heavy upon the 
clergy who have had no money collected for them in the year past." 43 
Baptists capitalized on the situation with their claim to "possess a 
more extraordinary share of divine grace and favor . . . and a familiar 
intercourse with the Son of God." 44 An English visitor, during an over- 
night stop at Brickell's Inn in St. Barnabas, was alarmed to find that 
"a new-light itinerant preacher . . . had perverted this family, as well 
as most of the inhabitants of the vicinity. . . ," 45 

Parson Alexander's unenviable position in St. Barnabas is illustrated 

40 The vestry included John Harrell, John Van Pelt, Cader Powell, Jonathan Roberts, 
Charles Skinner, Isaac Pipkin, Joel Goodman, John Lewis, Abraham Jones, and 
Emilius Derring. Church wardens were Lawrence Baker and Michael Wood. See 
Hathaway, Historical and Genealogical Register, II, 304. 

41 District Court Records, Edenton District, Archives. 

42 Tax List, Hertford County, 1779, Legislative Papers, Archives. 

43 Quoted in Lewis, Northampton Parishes, 35. 

44 Quoted in Lewis, Northampton Parishes, 35. 

45 John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, A Tour in the United States of America: Contain- 
ing an Account of the Present Situation of that Country; the Population, Agriculture, 
Commerce, Customs, and Manners of the Inhabitants: Anecdotes of several Members 
of the Congress, and General Officers in the American Army; and Many other very 
singular and interesting Occurrences. With Description of the Indian Nations, the 
general Face of the Country, Mountains, Forests, Rivers, and the most beautiful, 
grand, and Picturesque Views throughout that vast Continent. Likewise improvements 
in Husbandry that may be adopted with great advantage in Europe (Dublin: G. 
Perrin, 2 volumes, 1784), II, 87. 

John Alexander, Anglican Missionary 313 

by a disturbance in the spring of 1782 at St. John's Chapel. Despite 
the fact that there were several Baptist meetinghouses in the neigh- 
borhood, Lemuel Burkitt insisted that the Anglican chapel, erected 
out of public taxes, should be the site of the annual meeting of the 
local Baptist association. After invitations had been sent out, Senior 
Warden Robert Sumner interposed his "strenuous objection to [the 
chapel] being used for any purpose but the regular Episcopal 
forms." 46 A heated dispute was ended only when the junior warden 
offered his own home as a site for the meeting. The episode was pro- 
phetic, however; the Baptists soon occupied St. John's as their own. 

John Alexander, by this time understood to be "a Loyalist in every 
fibre, though still listened to by his parishioners," 47 remained for a 
while at two other chapels, Wiccacon Chapel (within sight of the 
present town of Harrellsville ) 48 and Outlaw's Chapel nearby in Ber- 
tie County. 49 But the situation was hopeless; when Bishop Francis 
Asbury visited Wiccacon in 1785 he noted in his journal only that 
"the glory has departed." 50 Within a short time both Wiccacon and 
Outlaw's chapels had been occupied by the onrushing Baptists. 51 

By 1786 John Alexander had retired from the ministry. In that year 
he used what money he had to purchase a 400-acre farm in Bertie 
County and moved there with the family he had acquired while res- 
ident in St. Barnabas. 52 Although the name of his wife, who preceded 
him to the grave, is unknown, his will names three daughters, Eliza- 
beth, Martha, and Rachel, evidently his only children. 

Alexander took no part whatever in the laborious reconstruction of 
the Protestant Episcopal church undertaken during these years by 

48 John Wheeler Moore, "The Rise and Progress of the Baptist Faith in North 
Carolina," Chapter VII, unpublished manuscript, Wake Forest College Library, 
Winston-Salem, hereinafter cited as Moore, "Baptist Faith in North Carolina." 

47 John Wheeler Moore, History of North Carolina: From the Earliest Discoveries 
to the Present Time (Raleigh: Alfred Williams and Company, 1880), 405. Moore, 
"Baptist Faith in North Carolina," 8-9, states that "So far . . . from siding with the 
King and leaving our country [Alexander] . . . lingered with his flock and left an 
honorable posterity in Bertie." The manuscript, written in 1894, thus contradicts 
Moore's earlier view that Alexander was a Tory. The view of Alexander as a Loyalist 
comports better, however, with the sentiments expressed in Alexander's will. See 
footnote 53. 

48 John Wheeler Moore, "Historical Sketches of Hertford County," Chapter LIX, 
Murfreesboro Inquirer, November 8, 1877. 

49 Outlaw's Chapel became Holly Grove Baptist Church and now stands near 
Powellsville. See Holly Grove Baptist Church Minutes, 1822-1878, 1, Manuscript 
Department, Duke University Library, Durham. The original church building was 
erected about 1770. 

50 Elmer T. Clark and Others (eds.), The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury 
(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 3 volumes, 1958), I, 499. 

51 Paschal, North Carolina Baptists, I, 491. 

52 Record of Deeds, Bertie County, Book N, 311-312, microfilm copy, Archives. The 
farm was located on the south side of Loosing Swamp and was purchased from 
William Watkin Wynns. 

314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pettigrew and a few others. Indeed, Fettigrew's correspondence gives 
no evidence that he knew of Alexander's existence, even while resid- 
ing for several years in the same county. 53 To judge from the evi- 
dence of Alexander's will, he bore no more affection for the new 
church, divorced as it was from state sanction and reduced to the 
level of other sects, than for the dissenting sects of earlier days. His 
last will and testament, with its uncompromising reiteration of the 
old faith, probated following his death in 1799, has taken its place 
in the literature of the Episcopal church in North Carolina: 

The Manly, Masculine Voice of Orthodoxy is no longer heard in our land. 
Far, therefore, from my Grave be the senseless Rant of Whining Fana- 
ticism, her hated and successful Rival. Cant and Grimace Dishonour the 
Dead, as well as Disgrace the living. Let the Monitor within, who never 
Deceives, alone pronounce my Funeral oration ; while some Friendly hand 
Deposites [sic'] my poor Remains closely by the ashes of my beloved Daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth, with whom I trust to share a happy Eternity. 54 

The will is also notable for the provision that if his two surviving 
daughters should die before they were old enough to inherit, then 
his property was "to be wholly converted to Educating the poor chil- 
dren within the Counties of Hertford and Bertie. . . ." 55 It closed 
with a wish that "the laws enabled me to do more for my wretched 
and unfortunate Slaves than that of Recommending them to lenity 
and mild treatment. 

'Be to their faults a little blind, 
Be to their virtues ever kind — ' " 56 

An inventory of John Alexander's estate listed sixteen slaves and 
such peculiarly Episcopal impedimenta as forty-six gallons of brandy 
and twelve barrels of cider. 57 Some would no doubt find in this a 
confirmation of the stereotype of the easy life of the Anglican min- 
ister. Others would agree with a writer to the Church Messenger in 

53 See Pettigrew Family Papers, 1684-1926, Southern Historical Collection, herein- 
after cited as Pettigrew Papers. 

B *Will of John Alexander, Bertie County Wills, Volume I, 3, Archives, hereinafter 
cited as Will of John Alexander. See also, Lemmon, "The Genesis of the Protestant 
Episcopal Diocese," 457; "Alexander, John," Clipping File, North Carolina Collection, 
hereinafter cited as "Alexander" Clipping File; John Horace Moore, "History of 
Hertford County School System," in J. Roy Parker, The Ahoskie Era of Hertford 
County (Ahoskie: Parker Brothers, Inc., 1939), 31; John E. Tyler, "The Church of 
England in Colonial Bertie County," Bertie Ledger Advance (Windsor), December 
22, 1949. 

55 Will of John Alexander. 

66 Will of John Alexander. 

57 Inventories and Accounts of Sales of Estates, Bertie County, Archives. The 
inventory of the estate of John Alexander is dated August 21, 1799. 

John Alexander, Anglican Missionary 315 

1884 that the will "thoroughly negatives the idea so long expressed 
by cavillers [sic] and enemies of the church that the old-time parsons 
were all a set of blacklegs . . . sermonizing in the morning and follow- 
ing a pack of hounds in the afternoon. . . ." 58 When Reverend W. S. 
Pettigrew set out to establish Alexander's character more fully in 1890 
through letters of inquiry to Bertie County, he could learn nothing 
more substantial than that the parson "seemed to have been a sort of 
prominent man in his day and of some peculiar characteristics." 59 
Vague as this was, it accorded well enough with Governor Tryon's 
observation of Alexander as "a sensible excentrical Genius." 60 

The career of John Alexander highlights some of the reasons which 
caused the Church of England to languish in North Carolina. His 
difficulties in obtaining holy orders, his clashes with dissenters, his 
desperate battle with disease, his friction with balky vestries, and his 
final "Armageddon" during the Revolution were all relatively com- 
mon problems with Anglican clergy. That he remained true to his 
original vows, that he appears to have yielded no scintilla of prin- 
ciple to his adversity, speaks well for his caliber as a man. Not many 
of his colleagues were composed of the stern stuff of which martyrs 
are made. 

58 "Alexander" Clipping File. 

69 Duncan C. Winston to W. S. Pettigrew, September 26, 1889, Pettigrew Papers. 

60 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 45. Hertford County historian B. B. Winborne's 
comment that "King George II wrote 'He is a curious and eccentric genious, but 
true to his church,' " is almost certainly a corruption of Tryon's remark. See Benjamin 
Brodie Winborne, Colonial and State Political History of Hertford County (Raleigh: 
Edwards and Broughton Printers, 1906), 36. 




By Theodore A. Thelander* 

By May, 1915, a succession of torpedoings of allied ships, costing 
American lives, had awakened the United States government to fuller 
realization of a new technological dimension in naval warfare. When 
the "Lusitania" was sunk on May 7, causing over a hundred Ameri- 
can casualties, protests at home and abroad called for retaliation by 
force; but President Woodrow Wilson in his Philadelphia speech 
insisted that a nation could be so right that it did not need to "con- 
vince others by force." Yet he began to speak favorably of strength- 
ening the Navy and in July called for reports on defensive measures 
from the secretaries of war and of the navy. Secretary of the Navy 
Josephus Daniels responded with a plan which would improve tech- 
nology and at the same time popularize naval expansion. On July 7, 
1915, he invited Thomas A. Edison to head a "Department of Invention 
and Development." He wrote the inventor: 

To get this support, Congress must be made to feel that the idea is sup- 
ported by the people and I feel that our chances of getting the public in- 
terested and in back of this project will be enormously increased if we 
can have at the start some man whose inventive genius is recognized by 
the whole world. 1 

At Edison's instance advisers for the "Department of Invention and 
Development" were sought from among the nation's societies of sci- 
entists and engineers. 2 Known first as the "Naval Advisory Board" 

* Dr. Thelander is professor of history and government, Purdue University, 
Indianapolis Regional Campus, Indianapolis, Indiana. 

x New York Times, July 23, 24, September 3, 1915; Frederic L. Paxson, American 
Democracy and the World War (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2 volumes, 
1936, 1939; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1 volume [third], 1948), I, 
290-291; Josephus Daniels to Thomas A. Edison, July 7, 1915, Papers of Josephus 
Daniels, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, hereinafter cited as Daniels Papers. 

2 The board, as finally constituted, included Edison and his assistant, M. R. 
Hutchison, and the representatives of eleven technical societies: Howard Coffin of 
the Hudson Motor Car Company and Andrew Riker of Locomobile represented the 
automobile society; Hudson Maxim, the ordnance expert, and Matthew Sellers, aero- 
dynamics engineer and patent attorney, were selected by the Aeronautical Society 
of America; Willis Whitney, director of the General Electric Laboratories, and Leo 
Baekeland, widely known as the originator and developer of "bakelite," represented 
the American Chemical Society; the Electrochemical Society sent Lawrence Addicks 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 317 

and then officially as the "Naval Consulting Board," it concerned it- 
self with naval technical development and, through one of its com- 
mittees, directed national attention to Daniels' naval program and 
to the "industrial mobilization" necessary to support a twentieth- 
century war. 

With perception enlarged by extensive experience as editor and 
publisher of the Raleigh News and Observer, Daniels used the naval 
board advisers as an effective complement to Edison in the publicity 
effort. To the popular prestige of the inventor was added the reputa- 
tions of men who had reached prominence in industry, in technology, 
and in their own professional societies. The result was a national 
publicity campaign which "popularized technology" to support naval 
expansion and conveyed to the public the meaning of supporting 
armed forces in the twentieth century. 

National publicity campaigns were not unknown in 1915. News- 
papers and advertisers had made a wide-reaching appeal for "truth 
in advertising." The Associated Advertising Clubs of the World were 
planning a nationwide effort to "advertise advertising." But gaining 
popular support for a bigger and better-equipped Navy required 
arresting appeals to the whole American public. Daniels provided 
the appeals in the selection of an advisory board headed by an inven- 
tive genius and composed of men eminent in relevant fields of tech- 

Daniels' featuring of the scientist, the engineer, and the inventor, 
rather than armed services personnel, in publicity for preparedness 
could be partly explained by the receptiveness of the public and its 
expectation of technological progress. Yet it should be noted that the 

of the Phelps-Dodge Company and Joseph Richards, professor of metallurgy at 
Lehigh University ; consultant Frank Sprague of the Otis and General Electric 
companies, and Benjamin Lamme, chief engineer of the Westinghouse Company, were 
the delegates of the Institute of Electrical Engineers; the Institute of Mining 
Engineers sent Benjamin Thayer, president of the Anaconda Copper Company, and 
William Saunders, chairman of the board of directors of Ingersoll-Rand ; the Inventors' 
Guild named Peter Cooper Hewitt, inventor of electrical devices, and Thomas Robins, 
businessman-inventor, who had built his enterprises around belt conveyors; the 
Mathematical Society chose the president of the Carnegie Institution, Robert Wood- 
ward, along with the physicist Arthur Gordon Webster of Clark University; the 
choice of the Aeronautic Engineers fell on Elmer Sperry of the Sperry Gyroscope 
Company and on Henry Wise Wood, head of the Wood Paper Machinery Corporation; 
the Civil Engineers named a public servant, chief engineer Alfred Craven of the 
New York Public Service Commission, and utility consultant Andrew Hunt of the 
Peyton-Hunt Company of New York; the Society of Mechanical Engineers sent 
General Electric's consultant William Emmett and a consultant of the Lidgerwood 
Manufacturing Company, Spencer Miller, whose development of overhead cable 
conveyors for transferring heavy loads had brought wide acceptance for the "Lidger- 
wood Cableways of Commerce." Digest of Minutes of the Naval Consulting Board, 
October 7, 1915, General Records of the Navy Department, Record Group 80, National 
Archives, Washington, D. C, hereinafter cited as Digest of Minutes. 

318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

experienced publicist presented the naval message by a means sure 
to enlist the zealous support of most technical societies and the tech- 
nical press. The general press would consider Edison and the ad- 
visers, collectively or individually, newsworthy, but the technical press 
would follow the activities of each board member with attention. The 
engineering societies in particular, supported by the technical press, 
had been crusading in publicity campaigns for greater "recognition 
of the engineer/' Numerically insignificant, these societies and jour- 
nals would be nevertheless ready to respond to the exceptional sort 
of recognition afforded by Daniels' project. With experience and 
momentum from their own recent efforts, they would be energetic 
and effective preachers of the message of preparedness. 

Formal announcement of the appointment of Edison's advisers 
was made on September 13 at the office of the secretary of the navy. 
Thirty pages of copy identifying the new members were distributed 
to the press. Widely reproduced, this material swelled measurably 
the amount of publicity Daniels' project had received since the time 
of Edison's appointment. The board had stirred popular imagination 
from the beginning. Publicists had excited it further. Some foresaw 
the wizardry of science producing miracles. Sudden invention would 
surmount all difficulties. It is true that Daniels had labeled American 
inventive capacity the nation's "greatest military asset" and of more 
value than "many regiments of troops or ships of the line," but the 
Literary Digest's summary of press reactions viewed Edison and the 
board as likely to be worth a "million dollars or a score of battleships" 
or "many hundred thousand militiamen." Leslie's believed it "wholly 
possible" that the board—the best brains of the greatest nation work- 
ing as a unit— might "revolutionize warfare" and make the United 
States "virtually invulnerable to attack." 3 

A few weeks after Edison's appointment, Daniels was quoted by 
the New York Times as pleased with the reaction of senators, con- 
gressmen, bankers, businessmen, and professional people to his plan; 
this gave him "great hopes that it might become easier to get appro- 
priations from Congress." While the press was recording these views, 
it added editorial comment. Representatives of technical periodicals 
proved that they too could be ebullient. Electrical World looked for- 
ward to what "these men of rare inventive genius would achieve." 
The owner and editor of Engineering Magazine proclaimed the ap- 

3 Brooklyn Daily Eagle (New York), July 18, 1915; New York Times, September 
13, 1915; Thomas F. Logan, "Watching the Nation's Business," Leslie's Illustrated 
Weekly Newspaper, CXXI (September 30, 1915), 347; "Who's Who on the Naval 
Advisory Board," Literary Digest, LI (September 25, 1915), 679-682. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 319 

pointment of civilian engineers to the advisory body "the greatest 
thing that has ever happened in all naval and engineering annals." 4 

Matter-of-fact reactions tempered these adulations. Scientific Amer- 
ican thought that each technical society had done well to choose "the 
best . . . from its own membership." Engineering Magazine dismissed 
as a "delusion" the possibility that the board was appointed for politi- 
cal purposes and pointed to the "essentially practical" nature of its 
assignment. Western Engineering saw nothing to be gained by ap- 
pointing advisers "to 'butt' into a science about which they know 
nothing," 5 and American Machinist deplored the emphasis on genius 
and talent and took exception to the lack of attention to technical 
research— "all thought of technical reseach is missing." Insisting that 
the board should have been established from a "technical and scien- 
tific standpoint instead of from that of the inspirational perspective 
of the long-haired inventor," the journal observed: 

Popular fancy will be more stirred by announcing that the inventors are 
to make use of their great genius in preparing for the national defense 
than that technical study and investigation are to be relied upon. The care- 
ful conscientious digging for facts and information will carry us further 
than the sudden inspiration of inventive genius. 6 

Whether critical or not, the fullness of response from the technical 
press was a clear indication that Daniels understood the mood of the 
technical professions. "A well-founded feeling of satisfaction pervades 
the engineering and scientific ranks," asserted the Journal of Elec- 
tricity, Power and Gas. Naval board member Frank Sprague pointed 
to the "signal honor" rendered the engineering profession by the 
government. Positive reactions were general throughout the scien- 
tific and engineering fraternity. 7 

The nontechnical and technical presses continued a variety of re- 
actions which included clear acknowledgment that Daniels had scored 
a "publicity coup." The New York Times, the Nation, and Review of 
Reviews noted the "publicity value," influence on public interest, and 
probable "great weight with Congress." Engineering News saw Edi- 
son's appointment a "spectacular advertising scheme," and the board 

4 New York Times, July 16, 27, 1915; "The Naval Advisory Board," Electrical World, 
LXVI (September 18, 1915), 617; Advertising and Selling, XXV (October, 1915), 
43. The latter contains the statement about the naval board in an advertisement of 
a forthcoming issue of Engineering Magazine. 

6 "The New Advisory Board of Our Navy," Scientific American, CXIII (September 
25, 1915), 266; "Editorial Comment," Engineering Magazine, L (November, 1915), 
301; editorial in Western Engineering, VI (August, 1915), 48. 

6 "Board of Naval Advisers," American Machinist, XLIII (September 23, 1915), 
565, hereinafter cited as "Board of Naval Advisers." 

7 "Mobilization of Engineering Talent," Journal of Electricity, Power and Gas, 
XXXV (July 24, 1915), 67; Frank J. Sprague, "Naval Preparedness and the Civilian 
Engineer," Western Society of Engineers, Journal, XXI (February, 1916), 184. 

320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a "sensational device." Waldemar Kaempffert thought Daniels had 
acted shrewdly and that Congress had to be "shaken into activity 
by an advertising scheme of national proportions." Colliers saw the 
hand of a "sensational journalist" and "press agent." American Ma- 
chinist expressed a professional opinion on the result: 

Secretary Daniels has won for himself front-page positions, leading col- 
umns, display type and other features of publicity that must warm his 
heart indeed. 8 

The naval board's publicity also continued in the nontechnical 
press. Balancing the already-noted effervescence were responses which 
congratulated the nation, labeled the move a "good idea," or objected 
to its bypassing of regular naval procedures. Park Benjamin even 
doubted that Edison's presence would stimulate invention. "The divine 
afflatus," he wrote, "cannot be pumped." He wanted readers to real- 
ize that the idea of an advisory board was not new in the United 
States but had been discussed for many years and that the formation 
of an American board had probably followed the example of Britain. 
The British board had been established in response to a public de- 
mand, stimulated by the untiring advocacy of H. G. Wells, that the 
government seek the advice of scientists. Whatever the genesis of the 
idea of an advisory board for naval development, its members began 
their association with the government in an unusual glare of pub- 
licity. 9 

On October 6, 1915, at a joint gathering of the new advisory board 
and the Navy's bureau chiefs who constituted its regular advisory 
board, Daniels outlined the problems of the Navy and insisted that 
the new advisory group function "primarily as a research body," but 
not, of course, neglect the task of passing upon the value of inventions 
submitted to the Navy by outsiders. President Wilson then welcomed 
the new group at the White House, expressed pleasure in the volun- 
tary association of the engineers and scientists with the government 
and in the co-operation the armed services were to have with "the best 
brains and knowledge of the country." He stressed preparedness and 
the need to "command the respect of the world"; the New York Times 

8 New York Times, July 22, 1915; "The Week," Nation, CI (July 15, 1915), 81; 
"More Submarines and Aircraft," American Review of Reviews, LII (August, 1915), 
151; "Developing Naval Inventions by a Government Bureau," Engineering News, 
LXXIV (July 22, 1915), 179; Waldemar Kaempffert, "The Inventors' Board and the 
Navy," American Review of Reviews, LII (September, 1915), 300, hereinafter cited 
as Kaempffert, "The Inventors' Board"; "The Wizards of the Naval Board," Collier's 
LVI (October 2, 1915), 14; "Board of Naval Advisers," 565. 

9 "The Naval Advisory Board," Outlook, CXI (September 22, 1915), 162; "Mobilizing 
American Inventive Genius," World's Work, XXX (September, 1915), 512; Park 
Benjamin, "Does the Navy Need Advice?" Independent, LXXXIV (November 8, 
1915), 224; Kaempffert, "The Inventors' Board," 300. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 321 

described the President's statements as constituting "the first formal 
declaration in favor of adequate national defense." 10 

The group reconvened on October 7, heard more from Daniels 
about the work he wanted undertaken, elected officers, designated 
committees for special work, adopted rules and the name of Naval 
Consulting Board. During the remainder of the month members were 
placed according to their preferences on technical subcommittees. 
One of the most important of these was the Subcommittee on Pro- 
duction, Organization, Manufacture and Standardization, which was 
to become popularly known as the Subcommittee on Industrial Pre- 
paredness. Its chairman was Howard Earle Coffin of Detroit, member 
and former president of the Society of Automobile Engineers. To his 
technical qualifications was added experience gained as vice-president 
of the Hudson Motor Car Company and as promoter for standardiza- 
tion of specifications and parts in the automobile industry. Promo- 
tional activity, publicity, and advertising had been important factors 
in his business and professional career. 

Before the board's formal organization, Daniels had already begun 
work with individual members, including Coffin, on a plan which 
would enable the board to report to the various armed services the 
manufacturing resources available in the event war should come to 
the nation. Execution and administration of the plan to "survey . . . 
the country's plants and factories, sources of supplies and materials 
for war purposes" was eventually entrusted to Coffin's subcommittee 
which reported to the board December 23, 1915. At that meeting 
Coffin presented a program for the mobilization of industries. The 
nation would be divided into districts and the productive capacity of 
every manufacturing plant in each district determined; this would 
constitute a national industrial inventory. The plan also included the 
placing of small annual orders for the production of war materials to 
acquaint producers with the problems involved. 11 

The industrial mobilization envisaged by the naval board for a 
nationwide inventory capitalized on discussions of the subject which 
had been continuing for over a dozen years in the United States. At- 
tention to it increased notably after the war had broken out in Europe. 

10 Digest of Minutes, October 7, 1915; Ray Stannard Baker and William E. Dodd 
(eds.), The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson (New York: Harper and Brothers, 6 
volumes, 1924-1926), I, 373-374, hereinafter cited as Baker and Dodd, Public Papers 
of Woodrow Wilson; New York Times, October 27, 1915. 

11 Digest of Minutes, December 23, 1915 ; undated entry [between September and 
October papers, 1915], Daniels Papers; Allen Johnson, Dumas Malone, and Others 
(eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribners' Sons, 22 
volumes and index, 1928 — ) XXII, 108, hereinafter cited as Dictionary of American 

322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Hudson Maxim's widely read Defenseless America had stressed the 
view that true national preparedness meant the ability to "fight by 
machinery." General Leonard Wood had recommended organization 
of the country's resources "so that we shall know what they are, where 
they are and how they shall be used." The attention of engineers had 
been directed to the problem of industrial mobilization so frequently 
that Engineering Record referred to it as a "subject which after- 
dinner speakers are beginning to wear threadbare with repetitious 
generalities." 12 

Daniels' plan did even more than embody proposals made in many 
years of discussion. The Chamber of Commerce of the United States, 
for example, eventually adopted a plan for "economic preparedness" 
which Coffin described as "exactly in accordance with our [naval 
board] proposed programme. ..." A member of the chamber's de- 
fense committee, Franklin T. Miller, had originally sketched the main 
outlines of the plan adopted by the chamber in the November, 1915, 
issue of Outlook under the title "Industrial Mobilization by Prear- 
rangement." Before the naval board initiated its own plan, various 
agencies of the government had been making some attempts to gather 
information related to the manufacture of armament. Army Ordnance, 
the Federal Trade Commission, and the Census Bureau had been 
active. General William Crozier favored placing small orders for 
munitions with manufacturers as encouragement to keep their plants 
in readiness for emergency. In Coffin's opinion none of these efforts 
had yielded "practical results," 13 but the naval board plan would 
organize and unify the preparedness effort. It was soon obvious more- 
over that under Daniels' direction, publicity about preparedness 
could be more effective flowing from a nationalized program. 

As soon as the Committee on Industrial Preparedness was ready to 
function, Daniels had a new phase of his program to direct. He could 
carry on his personal effort as naval secretary to promote naval ex- 

12 Leonard Wood, "Military Preparedness: An Insurance for Peace" (address to 
Fiftieth Anniversary Meeting, Worcester Polytechnic Institute, June, 1915), re- 
produced in Engineering Record, LXXI (June 19, 1915), 768. Hudson Maxim, 
Defenseless America (New York: Hearst International Library, 1915), 87. See 
"Organizing Industry for National Defense," Engineering Record, LXXII (November 
13, 1915), 589. 

"Howard Coffin, "The Automobile Engineer and Preparedness," Society of Auto- 
mobile Engineers, Transactions (1916) Part II, 62; Howard E. Coffin, "Organizing 
Industry for National Defense," World's Work XXXII (May, 1916), 25; Franklin 
T. Miller, "Industrial Mobilization by Prearrangement," Outlook, CXI (November 17, 
1915), 657-660, hereinafter cited as Miller, "Industrial Mobilization"; "Steps Toward 
Preparedness," Iron Age, XCVI (July 29, 1915), 252; "Making War Munitions at 
Private Works," Iron Age, XCVI (August 12, 1915), 358; "The Government and 
Work on Munitions," Iron Age, XCVI (September 23, 1915), 729; Digest of Minutes, 
December 23, 1915. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 323 

pansion, but to use the prestige of the naval board properly would 
require the complete attention of someone with very special qualifi- 
cations. Daniels had the assistance he needed in the person of Coffin, 
who not only had a background in industry and a profession but who 
shared Daniels' views about naval and industrial preparedness and 
the need of publicity to arouse the public. Daniels later referred to 
Coffin as a "moving spirit" in the industrial inventory. Captain Lloyd 
Scott, liaison officer of the United States Army attached to the naval 
board, saw Coffin's relation to the industrial inventory as "founded 
upon" his experience with standardization in the motor car industry. 
Grosvenor Clarkson, who left the advertising business to serve the 
naval board's publicity effort, held Coffin "chiefly responsible" for 
the naval board's preparedness campaign. That the industrial inven- 
tory became known as the "Coffin Plan" was a result of his full re- 
sponsibility for its promotion. 14 

As indicated above, Coffin presented the plan for the industrial 
inventory at the December meeting of the board, and his committee 
was authorized to proceed with the program he outlined. Investiga- 
tion and classification of the principal manufacturing plants of the 
nation involved such a gigantic effort as to be utterly beyond the 
immediate resources of the naval board. Without funds supplied by 
the government, since it was a body without a statutory base, the 
board had to have voluntary assistance. This was found among the 
engineering organizations represented on the advisory board. Coffin 
was the board's agent in seeking the needed aid. Five organizations 
were called upon— those of the civil, electrical, mechanical, and min- 
ing engineers, and the chemical society. Coffin met with the presi- 
dents of the engineering societies in New York at Delmonico's January 
4, 1916; later he conferred with the head of the chemical organization. 
The heads of the societies willingly acceded to Coffin's proposals; 
each then appointed one representative from his own organization in 
every state. These five appointees constituted a board of directors 
for the naval board program in each state. Daniels subsequently 
made the arrangement official by formally appointing them directors. 15 

"Josephus Daniels, The Wilson Era: Years of Peace, 1910-1917 (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1944), 490-492; Dictionary of American Bio- 
graphy, XXII, 108; Lloyd Scott, The Naval Consulting Board of the United States 
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922), 28, hereinafter cited as Scott, 
Naval Consulting Board; Grosvenor B. Clarkson, Industrial America in the World 
War: The Strategy Behind the Lines (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1923), 13, 
hereinafter cited as Clarkson, Industrial America in the World War; Frederick 
Palmer, Newton D. Baker: America at War (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 
2 volumes, 1931), I, 286. 

15 Digest of Minutes, February 9, 1916. 

324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The preparedness committee through Coffin s good offices could 
get material aid for the work necessary to make a nationwide enumer- 
ation of manufacturing plants, but necessary general sanction had to 
come from the chief of the government. This was readily secured 
from President Wilson, who had broken ground originally for an 
"economic mobilization" program. On November 4, 1915, speaking 
at the Manhattan Club, he had alluded to his belief in the need, not 
only for military preparedness, but also for a "mobilization of the 
resources of the nation." In his message to Congress, December 7, 
1915, he had spoken of plans for mobilizing economic resources for 
which he might request a small appropriation. Preparing to launch 
the industrial census, Coffin's committee drafted a formal letter to be 
sent to the specified technical societies requesting their aid. Trans- 
mitted to the Chief Executive, through Secretary Daniels, the letter 
was signed by President Wilson and sent to the five societies. 16 

While the President was making his western tour to speak in behalf 
of preparedness, Coffin's committee was completing the charts and 
blanks by which individual manufacturers were to indicate their 
productive capabilities. He had been careful to inform Samuel Gom- 
pers of the committee's intent and had secured his agreement with 
the board's plan to seek information about workers. Coffin made a 
progress report at the February 9, 1916, meeting of the naval board; 
he enlarged upon the outline he was to give to the press on February 
10, 1916. Edison spoke of the plan as a means whereby, "we will 
know where every lathe and every tool that can be used in the pro- 
duction of those war necessities is, and what it can be expected to 
do in the event of trouble." Coffin, assured in advance by Gompers 
of labor's attitude, added, "labor will go the limit . . . and stand 
ready to man all the industries . . . whose output the nation will 
need." 17 

"Preparedness by prearrangement" may be said to have had its 
parallel in "publicity by prearrangement" since on this very day both 
President Wilson and Secretary Daniels addressed the Fourth Annual 
Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States. The 
President omitted the subject, but Daniels inferentially gave strong 
sanction to an industrial preparedness program by an admiring de- 
scription of similar efforts by Benjamin Franklin for his own and 
other colonies. Identifying himself directly with Franklin— "I con- 
fess myself a disciple of Franklin"— Daniels called attention to the 

"Baker and Dodd, Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, I, 389; II, 27-28. 
"Digest of Minutes, February 9, 1916; New York Times, February 10, 1916. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 325 

naval board, headed by Thomas Edison flanked by "the foremost 
scientists in America today," and launched into a eulogy of Franklin. 
He emphasized Franklin's "tact and powers of adjustment" in over- 
coming attitudes hostile to his purpose of acquiring armament and 
even linked the success of the American Revolution to Franklin's 
"foresight and efforts to prepare." 

Many in Daniels' audience were sympathetic to the views he ex- 
pressed. They had already heard a preliminary report from their own 
defense committee on a plan for economic mobilization which they 
were later to approve and which Coffin was to describe as similar in 
all basic features to the naval board program. 18 

In keeping with Daniels' intent that Edison's board should stimu- 
late public and congressional interest in the Navy through a Depart- 
ment of Invention, publicity for the naval board's work was a constant 
concern of the whole advisory group. The first arrangement had 
been to channel the publishable results of naval board work through 
Washington and release them there. On November 4, 1915, however, 
the naval board established an editing committee to which Henry 
Wise Wood and Thomas Robins were appointed. This seemed satis- 
factory for the remainder of the year, but, as the plan for a national 
industrial inventory matured, members began to question the effec- 
tiveness of the measures adopted. Coffin, meanwhile, had been dem- 
onstrating to all members that he was particularly interested in seeing 
that the board's activities were properly publicized. At the meeting 
of December 23, 1915, he reported on what his committee had done 
to gain the co-operation of the National Automobile Chamber of 
Commerce in a plan to teach aviators a "practical knowledge of gas 
engines." The chamber had voted to "place the facilities of the motor 
car industry" behind the program. Manufacturing plants would open 
their doors to trainees. While Coffin presented the action as con- 
sistent with his committee's assignment— as "a decisive step in the 
true mobilization of industrial brains and equipment behind our 
Navy"— he showed equal or more concern for the possibility the 
project offered for "immediate and continuous publicity." This would 
assure "credit for practical achievement" being given the Navy and 
the Naval Consulting Board and might have effect even "in foreign 
quarters." 19 On January 10, 1916, he wrote to Robins: 

M Addresses of Woodrow Wilson and of Josephus Daniels to Chamber of Commerce 
of United States, February 10, 1916, both reproduced in Nation's Business, IV 
(February, 1916), 18, 20, 22-25, 53. 

"Digest of Minutes, December 23, 1915. 

326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

We should organize at once for handling publicity in regard to the actions 
of the Board. We should arrange for an official photographer who would 
be on hand to take photographs of each board meeting. We should organize 
to pass this publicity on to the papers and magazines in proper form. The 
importance of publicity in any business or in any undertaking cannot be 
overestimated. I am strong for getting action along this line in advance 
of our February meeting. 20 

The action Coffin finally got was to be elected, along with Frank 
Sprague, to the editing committee at the February meeting. At the 
meeting, during a discussion about "Patents Protection During War," 
Coffin broke in with: 

The great weakness of the Board as it now stands from the standpoint of 
getting before the public in the right way, is the fact that we have no one 
whose business it is to see that proper publicity is prepared, because all of 
us are too busy to do it. We ought to have a publicity man in New York 
to make it his business to pass through the Editing Committee the ma- 
terial that he prepares. 21 

Coffin could have been considering the needs of publicizing the 
preparedness campaign to be launched in the form of an industrial 
inventory, which was fully reported to this February 9 meeting. It 
would require an organized publicity program. To that date the edit- 
ing committee had been releasing information to the press in a some- 
what haphazard way. It is true that a respectable volume of press 
clippings had been accumulated by the board since the first burst of 
news comment following Edison's appointment and the board's initial 
meetings. Feature articles as well had appeared in newspapers across 
the country, and the popular periodicals had not ignored the board's 
work. Still, dissatisfaction was felt by various members of the advisory 
group. It was aired at the February 9 meeting. Discussion centered 
on the report of a press interview with W. L. Saunders, which had 
appeared in the New York Times of February 6, 1916, and, whatever 
Saunders' intent, had implied that the naval board had certain pre- 
rogatives which it intended to exercise. Frank Sprague was almost 
bitter in saying the article in question "rather forestalled a suit- 
able press campaign which was under preparation to awaken the 
manufacturers of this country to the importance of the plan"— the 
industrial inventory. Robert Woodward felt "the danger of undue 

20 Howard Earle Coffin to Thomas Robins, January 10, 1916, Correspondence Files 
of Naval Consulting Board, 1915-1922, General Records of the Navy Department, 
hereinafter cited as Correspondence Files; Extracts from Minutes of Naval Consulting 
Board, 1915-1922. 

31 Digest of Minutes, February 9, 1916. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 327 

publicity is very grave; . . . unless we can get our reports of our acts 
into the papers as they are drawn up by experts, we shall have 
trouble." 22 

Meanwhile other organizations were developing plans which would 
involve the naval board and its problem of proper publicity. Coffin 
had secured the support of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt for the naval 
board's plan of industrial organization and had been asked to describe 
it to a meeting of the National Security Congress, January 20-22, 1916. 
Fearing the naval board plan would receive premature publicity 
under auspices other than planned, Coffin wired Daniels on January 
9, urging him to launch the naval board publicity campaign at once; 
Coffin would address the Security Congress and try to "nip in the 
bud" impractical schemes which were "undoubtedly brewing." Thus, 
he would in effect initiate the "one strong authoritative appeal" in a 
campaign that should be conducted only once. Daniels did not share 
Coffin's feelings of urgency or apprehension. On the grounds that 
"loose talk" would follow, he disapproved both of Coffin's proposals, 
and the naval board's publicity program remained unchanged for 
the time being. 23 

Modification in the naval board's plans came when President Wil- 
son referred to Daniels a proposal of the Associated Advertising Clubs 
of the World. A plan for a National Advertising Committee to help 
the government raise troops, if necessary, had been advocated by 
the American Defense Society. The advertising clubs had been in 
touch with the Defense Society but rejected the scheme in favor of 
a direct approach to President Wilson with a plan "to link the cause 
of national defense with the cause of international peace." The Presi- 
dent sent the advertisers' plan to Daniels who forwarded it to the 
Naval Consulting Board, whereupon Coffin and Saunders, also a mem- 
ber of the naval board committee on preparedness, sought Herbert 
Houston, president of the Associated Advertising Clubs. The result 
was a union of the engineers and advertisers in the cause of publiciz- 
ing the naval board project. 


22 Digest of Minutes, February 9, 1916; New York Times, February 6, 1916. 

28 Correspondence Files, January 9-10, 1916. 

24 Digest of Minutes, March 8, 1916; "What the Executive Committee Did," Associ- 
ated Advertising, VII (February, 1916), 50; Herbert S. Houston, "Clubs Suggest 
Federal Campaign for Peace Court and Preparedness," Associated Advertising, VII 
(March, 1916), 7-12, hereinafter cited as Houston, "Clubs Suggest Federal Campaign"; 
Herbert S. Houston, "Advertising Men and Engineers Discuss Peace and Prepared- 
ness," Associated Advertising, VII (April, 1916), 13-14, hereinafter cited as Houston, 
"Engineers Discuss Peace"; "Executive Committee of A.A.CW. and National Com- 
mission in Session," Editor and Publisher, XLVIII (January 22, 1916), 939, 950; 
"How the Advertising Men Will Help President Wilson," Editor and Publisher, 
XLVIII (January 29, 1916), 998; "Ad Men for National Defense," Editor and 
Publisher, XLVIII (February 12, 1916), 1094. 

328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The advertisers had been about to launch a nationwide campaign 
to "advertise advertising." Yet Houston considered advertising pre- 
paredness as 

a service to the country which would fit in, in the most admirable way, and 
supplement and carry forward the great campaign to advertise advertis- 
ing. Clearly if we can serve the country in a large and patriotic way, we 
will be making a conclusive demonstration ... of the power which adver- 
tising has to stir the public to action. 25 

The eagerness of the advertisers to demonstrate the force of their 
craft brought their willing adherence to the naval board project. 
Houston appeared with a committee of seven at the naval board 
meeting of March 8, 1916, offering the co-operation of the advertising 
clubs in the work of preparedness by providing the necessary pub- 
licity of all kinds. He spoke of furnishing a million dollars worth of 
advertising space in newspapers and periodicals throughout the coun- 
try as well as the services of illustrators and writers. 

The board spent little time deliberating this proposal, promptly 
resolving approval and making Coffin's committee responsible for 
naval board action: 

for immediate effective cooperation, it refers the matter to the Committee 
on Production, Organization, Manufacture and Standardization with full 
power to act. 26 

Coffin thus became, in effect, director of publicity for his committee's 
part in the preparedness campaign. 

An unidentified naval board member later admitted that he had 
been "almost aghast at the mere idea of advertising being permitted 
to have any part in their scientific and professional work." The ad- 
vertisers, it is true, had emphasized the desirability of popularizing 
the technical work of the board, but only in relation to promoting the 
campaign for industrial preparedness which Leo Baekeland of the 
Chemical Society considered "absolutely essential." "We can make 
the survey," Baekeland told Houston, "but your organization can 
mobilize good will." Coffin welcomed expert assistance for an aspect 
of the survey which, in agreement with his chief, he considered all 
important— making the public aware of its purpose. When he reported 
to the board on February 9, he exclaimed, "I think there is so much 
to be done that the entire board would not be any too many to follow 
out the various angles of this work." For personal help Coffin enlisted 
the aid of Grosvenor Clarkson, New York advertiser, and, through 

25 Houston, "Clubs Suggest Federal Campaign," 7. 
28 Digest of Minutes, March 8, 1916. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 329 

the good offices of J. J. Carty of the Chemical Society, borrowed 
Walter Gifford, Chief Statistician of the American Telephone and 
Telegraph Company, for administrative supervision of the industrial 
inventory. On March 14 Clarkson, Gifford, Saunders, and Coffin met 
with the editors and publishers of three-dozen-odd newspapers and 
magazines and consulted Barney Link, the poster men, and artists early 
in April. On March 27 the press had been given a summary of the 
plans for the inventory as presented to the naval board by Coffin, 
which was published as the "first authoritative and comprehensive 
story of the work and plans of the Committee." 27 

The advertisers had promised as thorough a coverage of the nation 
as their resources would permit. These included posters prepared by 
leading illustrators displayed in all appropriate places, including fac- 
tories. Billboards and newspaper advertising would carry the 
"message of preparedness." Even motion-picture producers— such as 
Commodore J. Stuart Blackton, maker of The Battle Cry of Peace- 
were enlisted. They claimed an audience of 50 to 60 million people. 28 

President Wilson had sanctioned the naval board plan for mobili- 
zation of industrial resources. He now gave his official blessing to the 
forthcoming industrial inventory by addressing a letter, "To the Busi- 
ness Men of America." 29 

The Chamber of Commerce of the United States endorsed the 
naval board plan and promised co-operation of its local units. The 
National Association of Manufacturers had offered President Wilson 
the facilities of its records and offices and the services of its staff in 
the effort to ascertain how manufacturers could best be mobilized. 
The fact that Daniels did not pursue this offer or modify the naval 
board approach is another indication that the publicity campaign 
was his chief concern. Materially effective preparedness would have 
necessitated close co-ordination with the facilities of the manufac- 
turers' organization. In July, 1915, the association's directors had 
approved the effort "to awaken the public sentiment to a realization 
of the necessity of adequate preparedness." At that date it could only 
have been a reference to the publicity connected with Daniels' initial 
moves in behalf of the Navy. The manufacturers' journal continued 

'"Houston, "Engineers Discuss Peace," 14; Herbert S. Houston, "Above All What 
Are We Doing To Serve Our Day in the World?" Associated Advertising, VII (July, 
1916), 10, hereinafter cited as Houston, "What Are We Doing To Serve Our Day"; 
Howard E. Coffin to Naval Consulting Board, February 9, 1916, Digest of Minutes; 
Scott, Naval Consulting Board, 247, gives the names of editors and publishers present 
at the March 14 meeting; New York Times, March 25, 1916. 

28 Herbert S. Houston, "Let's Make It a White Convention," Associated Advertising, 
VII (May, 1916), 13-16. 

29 Woodrow Wilson to "Business Men of America," April 21, 1916, Daniels Papers. 

330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to print articles about preparedness but widened the definition of 
the term to include the tariff question, labor unrest, post-bellum trade 
and the advocacy of local "security leagues" to advise the naval ad- 
visers. The journal also indicated, however irritably, that it was aware 
of the pervasiveness of Daniels' publicity campaign by using an edi- 
torial of the Philadelphia Public Ledger to label as "lurking imbecil- 
ity" the screaming of "industrial preparedness from the housetops." 30 
With Clarkson and Gifford now assuming a measurable share of 
the preparedness committee's work, Coffin was free to participate 
more fully and personally in the publicity campaign; however, much 
of his contribution represented Daniels' suggestions or Clarkson's 
collaboration. Other naval board members were active, speaking to 
interested organizations or writing articles for technical journals. 
None was more active than Coffin, who surpassed all board members 
in personal effort, written or spoken. 31 Recognized and accepted by 
the industrial and professional communities because of his long asso- 
ciation with them, he could speak with authority about industrial 
preparedness. Added to this weight was his connection with the 
Navy's civilian advisory board and his generally accepted identity as 
Secretary Daniels' personal envoy to the public. The message of pre- 
paredness which he embellished with varying details in his speeches 
and articles was to urge revision of the idea that maintaining an 
army and a navy meant preparedness. Instead, "the test has gotten 
down to which country can fastest and longest supply munitions . . . 
to . . . the fighting line." And ". . . privately-owned plants . . . would 
feed the guns. ..." Government-owned factories would be merely 
"educational centers" and "clearing houses." Every community would 
be a potential supplier of the government's needs; and with the ability 

80 New York Times, March 25, 27, 1916. The Defense Committee of the Chamber of 
Commerce of the United States, which had been active since January, 1916, was com- 
posed of persons convinced of the need for economic preparedness. Some had served 
on the naval board; the majority had supported its objectives. One member had written 
on industrial mobilization in Outlook; see Miller, "Industrial Mobilization." The com- 
mittee also included Henry Wise Wood, who had resigned from the naval board, and 
Bion J. Arnold, Wood's naval board replacement. "Problems of National Defense," 
Nation's Business, IV (April, 1916), 14-15, 21; Resolution of board of directors of 
National Association of Manufacturers, July 23, 1915, American Industries, XVI 
(August, 1915), 7; George Pope, "Industrial Preparedness," American Industries, 
XVI (December, 1915), 12-13; George Pope to Woodrow Wilson, January 22, 1915, 
George Pope, "The Outlook for Manufacturers," American Industries, XVI (February, 
1916), 8, 21; James A. Emery, "Industrial Preparedness," American Industries, XVI 
(March, 1916), 12-13; "Industrial Imbecility at Large," American Industries, XVI 
(May, 1916), 17. 

31 Scott, Naval Consulting Board, 39, refers to Clarkson as the board's "publicity 
manager." Clarkson identified himself as "one of the three working heads" (presumably 
with Coffin and Gifford) of the naval board's industrial preparedness committee. 
Grosvenor Clarkson to Woodrow Wilson, May 9, 1918, Papers of Grosvenor Clarkson, 
Library of Congress. 

Josephus Daniels and the Publicity Campaign 331 

to turn quickly and voluntarily to war production, the nation would 
have the greatest insurance against government control, confusion 
and "community chaos." Since the Daniels-Coffin proposals for indus- 
trial preparedness envisaged voluntary industrial co-ordination, it was 
an appropriate circumstance that, during most of its prewar life, the 
naval board should have been in Clarkson's words "virtually a popu- 
lar, rather than a governmental organization." 32 

As the naval board inventory was being completed in August, 1916, 
Congress passed the legislative proposals long desired by the advo- 
cates of stronger armed forces. The Naval Appropriation Act con- 
tained a provision which made the Naval Consulting Board at last 
a statutory body; the Army Appropriation Act authorized a Council 
of National Defense to be composed of certain cabinet members and 
an advisory commission of seven civilian specialists empowered to 
"supervise and direct investigations and make recommendations to 
the President and heads of executive departments" and to take steps 
for the "coordination of industries and resources." By the Naval Ap- 
propriation Act, Daniels had realized the support for his branch of 
the armed forces which had been one of his principal motives in 
appointing Edison to head his "department of invention." Now he 
declared, "Industrial Preparedness is not a promise, it is an accom- 
plishment." 33 As Coffin noted, the army legislation 34 gave authority 
to take "inventories" in the manner of the naval board program. 
Speculation linked the naval board's campaign to the new measures 
of Congress. Before Congress had acted, Engineering and Mining Jour- 
nal, for example, believed Congress was "ready to carry out the entire 
program ... of the naval board." Edison saw the influence of the 
naval board in the new laws when they had been enacted. Clarkson 
was emphatic in linking the naval board's work with the action of 
Congress. Board member Elmer Sperry referred to data in the inven- 
tory as "used repeatedly" by both branches of the service. When the 
Army Industrial College cited the naval board and its activities as 
responsible for "the concept of the wartime structure of industrial 
mobilization— the War Industries Board—" Daniels' project had been 
named a promoter of lawmaking, a source of information and data 

82 Clarkson, Industrial America in the World War, 13-14; J. R. Masterson, Preliminary 
Checklist of the General Records of the Navy, 1804-1944 (Washington: Government 
Printing Office, 1945), 60, indicates the informal position of the naval board before 
Daniels called official meetings in October by describing it as a "private association." 

33 39 Stat. 556-558, c. 417; Speech of Josephus Daniels, Oakland, Maine, September 
1, 1915, "Files," Naval Consulting Board. 

34 39 Stat. 649, c. 418. 

332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the military, and a model for the agency which played an all- 
important role in the wartime economy. 35 

Daniels' use of the naval board as a means of publicizing the need 
for preparedness did not prevent it from functioning according to its 
appointed purpose. Captain Lloyd Scott, the Army's liaison officer 
attached to the board, in 1922 published an account of the board 
which evaluated its technical work. It is true that some board mem- 
bers, as did Addicks and Robins, felt that more "engineering results" 
should have been realized. Yet, it was Robins who acknowledged the 
need for Daniels' campaign "to popularize the idea of preparedness." 
When it was pointed out later that not much use was made of the 
inventory because it was "prepared at a time when the nature of the 
problem and the character of the data needed were not clearly de- 
termined," 36 it could have also been noted that the naval board and 
its activities had been used in part to sustain a publicity campaign 
which had been started by a publicity "coup." Daniels wanted the 
public and Congress to have a constant reminder of the Navy's needs. 
Naval board members represented the alliance between the new 
technology, business, and government which Daniels wished to pre- 
sent to the country in support of naval and industrial preparedness. 
A substantial portion of the naval board's efforts were, therefore, 
aimed at holding the national attention by a publicity of word and 
deed. 37 If Clarkson could regard the naval board as pioneering in the 
field of industrial mobilization, Daniels must be considered a pioneer 
in developing techniques of "public relations" on a national scale. 
Employing them on behalf of national security, he contributed notably 
to America's awareness of an emergency. 

86 "Industrial Preparedness Report," Engineering and Mining Journal, CII (July- 
December, 1916), 352; New York Times, July 30, September 2, 1916. Editors generally 
agreed that the preparedness campaign had influenced Congress. Scott, Naval Con- 
sulting Board, 37, noted Coffin's weight with lawmakers as well as executive officials 
through informal conferences. Clarkson, in the New York Herald Tribune, June 17, 
1925, described the naval board inventory as a "pioneer work before which 'industrial 
preparedness' did not exist as a phrase" and which "brought about the creation of 
the Council of National Defense in 1916 as part of the Army Appropriations Act." 
See George V. McPike, History of World War Industrial Mobilization (Washington: 
Army Industrial College, 1939), 14. 

86 "Opinions of Members of Naval Consulting Board," General Records of the Navy 
Department; Scott, Naval Consulting Board, passim; W. F. Willoughby, Government 
Organization in Wartime and After (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1919), 70. 

87 Information was obtained from about 30,000 companies doing a yearly business of 
$100,000 and from hundreds of smaller concerns. New York Times, March 15, July 
30, 1916; Council of National Defense, First Annual Report (Washington: Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 4 volumes, 1917-1920), I, 53. Without attempting to assess the 
volume of publicity which the board's campaign received from ordinary press reports 
and comments, Houston told the advertisers that posters, illustrations, and billboards 
had been widely displayed. Two items of advertising had appeared in each of two 
thousand newspapers, augmented by materials in magazines, farm papers, trade, and 
religious journals. See Houston, "What Are We Doing To Serve Our Day." Scott, 
Naval Consulting Board, 34-35, claims that "fifteen to twenty thousand" newspapers 
were furnished with information about the inventory, and he refers to a "large 
percentage of one hundred and twenty five house organs." 

By Claude R. Flory* 

In the popular mind "Annie Oakley" is a symbol of the epic West 
—the frontier being tamed for the white man by straight shooting and 
a strong heart. Her name conjures up pictures of old Fort Laramie 
and Little Big Horn, but, paradoxically, she was born in Ohio, of 
Pennsylvania Quaker background. Paradoxically too, some of the 
most pivotal events of her life took place in North Carolina and 

Annie Oakley's parents, Jacob and Susanne Moses, 1 migrated to 
Darke County, Ohio, two years before the Civil War. Although 
identified with the Society of Friends in religious background, they 
took with them a muzzle-loading rifle as protection against bears and 
wildcats that might occasionally menace a frontier farm. So far as 
the life of their famous daughter was concerned, this old but good- 
quality rifle became the most significant item of their possessions. 
Phoebe Ann Oakley Moses was born on August 13, 1860, in the 
family log cabin on her fathers heavily wooded— and heavily mort- 
gaged—farm several miles from North Star. 

Years later, after she had become what Will Rogers called "the 
best known woman in the world," 2 Annie Oakley, in an interview 
with a reporter for the Pinehurst Outlook, observed that "it is a com- 
mon superstition among shooters to be terrified of the number 13." 
But Annie regarded it as her lucky number: she was born on the 
13th, joined the Buffalo Bill Wild West Show on the 13th, and after 
an initial loss to William Graham, "champion pigeon shot of Eng- 
land," beat him on the 13th and was never again defeated. 3 

Phoebe Ann Oakley was the sixth of eight children of Jacob Moses. 
When Annie was five her father died from exposure in a blizzard. 

* Dr. Flory is professor of English, Florida State University, Tallahassee. 

1 Allen Johnson, Dumas Malone, and Others (eds.) Dictionary of American Biography 
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 22 volumes and index, 1928—), XIII, 603-604, 
hereinafter cited as Dictionary of American Biography. This source erroneously 
records the family name as "Mozee," but this spelling was an eccentricity of Annie's 
last years. See Annie Fern Swartwout, Missie: The Life and Times of Annie Oakley 
(Blanchester, Ohio: Brown Publishing Co., 1947), 8, hereinafter cited as Swartwout, 

8 Courtney Ryley Cooper, Annie Oakley: Woman at Arms (New York: Duffield and 
Company, 1927), Foreword, hereinafter cited as Cooper, Annie Oakley. 

8 Outlook (Pinehurst), March 9, 1916, hereinafter cited as Outlook. 


The North Carolina Historical Review 


Annie Oakley is shown here 

in an unusual pose. Photograph furnished by the 

Three years later her mother married a neighbor, Daniel Brumbaugh, 
but he also soon died— the result of a railroad accident. 

Since there was no paternalistic government in those days to con- 
duct a war on poverty, Annie conducted her own. Despite the disap- 
proval of her brother, she discovered at the age of ten that she had 
a miraculous talent with firearms. In five years she had sold enough 
game to pay off the mortgage on the Moses farm. 4 

4 Dictionary of American Biography, XIII, 603; New York Times, November 14, 

Annie Oakley in the South 335 

Annje continued throughout her life to be an efficient manager of 
family finances. Her will on file in the surrogate court at Newark, 
New Jersey, indicates that despite the heavy medical expenses of her 
last years, she was, at the time of her death in 1926, worth approxi- 
mately $50,000. 5 

When Annie was fifteen she met Frank Butler, a powder company 
representative and star of a shooting act on tour in Ohio. He sent 
Annie to school for a year and then married her. It was the begin- 
ning of a lifelong mutual devotion and affection. Years later Annie 
was to say, "Frank really reared me." (He was actually only ten 
years older than she.) "And," she added, "we're not fashionable 
either; we've never been to Reno." 6 Annie greatly appreciated her 
comparatively meager schooling and during the heyday of her fame 
supported and paid for the education of an adopted family of eighteen 
children. 7 

Under the management of her husband, Annie joined the Buffalo 
Bill Wild West Show in 1885 as one of its featured stars in America 
and Europe; she missed only four performances in the next seventeen 
years. 8 

Then occurred the first of the significant southern episodes in her 
life— the near fatal train wreck in the predawn hours of October 29, 
1901, at Lexington. The Wild West Show had played to a crowd of 
twelve thousand at Charlotte and was heading through the night to 
the final engagement of the season at Danville, Virginia. A south- 
bound freight, ordered to a siding, carelessly assumed that the show 
train was a single unit and pulled out on the one track line to crash 
head on into the second section of the Wild West train. According to 
the New York Times' story of October 30, 1901, Buffalo Bill estimated 
his loss at $60,000. One hundred ten horses, including featured per- 
formers like "Old Pap" and "Old Eagle," were killed or had to be 
killed to relieve their suffering. 9 Ironically, the story made no mention 
of Annie Oakley who, in a paralyzed condition, was carried by her 
husband to the temporary hospital in the third section of the show 
train. The doctors said she would never shoot again, probably never 
walk again. Writing to the New York Herald Tribune, February 2, 
1917, Annie Oakley recalled that in the agony immediately after the 

5 Will of Annie Oakley, signed October 7, 1925, probated December 27, 1926, copy 
in possession of author. 

6 New York Times, November 5, 1926. 

7 New York Times, November 14, 1926. 

8 Cooper, Annie Oakley, 90-146, passim. 

9 New York Times, October 30, 1901. Swartwout, Missie, 261, inaccurately refers to 
the wreck as occurring near Wheeling, West Virginia. 

336 The North Carolina Historical Review 

wreck her chestnut brown hair turned white within seventeen hours. 
But two years and five operations later, she appeared at the Nutley, 
New Jersey, gun club in an outstanding performance. In a few more 
months she was apparently as good as ever. 10 

Despite the excruciating memory of the train wreck, Annie and her 
husband returned to North Carolina on a permanent basis late in 
1915. They assumed positions as members of the staff of the Caro- 
lina Hotel at Pinehurst— Annie to give exhibitions and shooting les- 
sons, Frank to have charge of the skeet range. 

The Outlook for December 11, 1915, reported: 

Mr. and Mrs. Butler are spending the winter at The Carolina. Mrs. 
Butler has lost none of her magic with firearms and takes an active interest 
in the traps. She has volunteered to help the ladies to learn the proper 
handling of the shotgun. As a consequence there is an unusual interest 
in the sport, and many of the girls are acquiring a skill in potting the 
bric-a-brac pigeons which may tax the ability of the old hands to excel. 11 

The paper referred to Annie Oakley's name as a "synonym for cool 
and accurate fire—rifle, pistol, shotgun, standing, running, kneeling, 
sleeping, up-side-down, at any target from a moonbeam to a meteor- 

•j. " 12 


Another story in the Outlook continued to take pride in the Caro- 
lina's premier new attraction: 

Three or four hundred people assembled at the gun club last Tuesday 
afternoon to see Annie Oakley shoot up the entire neighborhood of F. E. 
Butler, including his cigarettes and his money without apparently dis- 
concerting him in the least. Eggs scrambled in mid-air, five flying targets 
shattered in a twinkling, nuts cracked and even a superfluous potato 
removed from a little dog's head were matters of course. When she shoots 
a pistol she does it after the fashion of society belles preparing for callers 
— by scrutiny in a little glass. 

By this simple device she was able to see a ball whirling in a circle about 
her husband, and so naturally to break it up with one shot. It is quite 
convenient to be able to look one way and shoot anything in sight the 
other. However, the general consensus of opinion expressed by the audi- 
ence on its way home was that Annie Oakley could probably shoot without 
seeing the target at all, if it would only make a little noise. 

Interested witnesses of the performance included many of the crack shots 
of the neighborhood, Mrs. Butler's pupils at the Carolina, and about three 

10 Cooper, Annie Oakley, 261-262, 240-241. 
u Outlook, December 11, 1915. 
u Outlook, December 11, 1915. 

Annie Oakley in the South 337 

hundred guests of the village among whom Governor and Mrs. Brumbaugh 
occupied a prominent place. 13 

So popular were Annie and Frank Butler as personalities and as 
teachers of gunmanship to Carolina vacationers that by April, 1921, 
the Outlook estimated that Annie's pupils during the preceding six 
years numbered into the thousands and counted some eight hundred 
in that season alone. 14 

During the summer of 1918 Annie Oakley toured American army 
camps, entertaining more than half a million soldiers without com- 
pensation. She and her husband, and their setter Dave, also raised 


Dave played a part in fund-raising drives during World War I by allowing Annie 
Oakley to shoot apples from his head. Photograph, furnished by the author, also 
found in Cooper's biography of Annie Oakley. 

13 Outlook, February 12, 1916. Martin G. Brumbaugh was Governor of Pennsylvania, 
1915-1919. Since her stepfather, Daniel Brumbaugh, had been a Pennsylvanian, Annie 
Oakley chose to regard the Brumbaughs as "cousins" during their Pinehurst friend- 
ship. She also visited them in Philadelphia in subsequent years. Author's interview 
with Mrs. Martin G. Brumbaugh, October 20, 1964; Cooper, Annie Oakley, 26. 

14 Outlook, April 8, 1921. Pinehurst has not forgotten Annie Oakley through the 
intervening years. The Cracker Barrel for November 5, 1964, announced the reactivation 
of the Pinehurst Gun Club "after nearly a quarter of a century," and the scheduling 
of "the first annual Annie Oakley Trapshooting Championship." The championship, 
said the Cracker Barrel, is to "commemorate" and honor "the famed Annie Oakley 
who once acted as shooting professional, with her husband, at the local club." 

338 The North Carolina Historical Review 

thousands of dollars for the Red Cross. Their program made the Red 
Cross a sure winner. After the shooting exhibition, Dave became the 
main attraction. A spectator in the audience was challenged to take 
money from his pocket, wrap it in his handkerchief, and let Dave 
smell it. Then, with Dave blindfolded, the money was hidden some- 
where in the area. If Dave could find the money, it had to be given 
to the Red Cross; if he failed to find it, the Butlers themselves would 
donate to the Red Cross whatever amount had been hidden. Dave 
seldom let them down. 15 

The biographers have been most meager with the details of Annie 
Oakley's Florida residence, but apparently the Butlers began spend- 
ing at least the quail season at Leesburg in 1911 or 1912. 16 The Garst 
Museum at Greenville, Ohio, an important custodian of Annie Oakley 
mementos, has a number of photographs showing the Butlers in Flor- 
ida settings. One of the most interesting is a picture of Annie Oakley, 
her dog Bob— later the victim of a Florida rattlesnake— and a great 
many quail on a bench with the Lakeview Hotel at Leesburg in the 
background. Annie's biographer-niece, Annie Fern Swartwout, once 
published this picture in a national magazine with the following story: 

Remember how Annie Oakley came to be the term for free tickets ? Here 
she is at fifty-one after a 1911 quail hunt in Florida. . . . Her trick of per- 
forating playing cards with .22 rifle bullets in circus acts led to nicknam- 
ing punch-holed "comps" Annie Oakleys. 17 [The term reputedly was coined 
by Ban Johnson, longtime president of the American Baseball League. 
It quickly became widely used in England and Australia as well as the 
United States.] 18 She also hit dimes and glass balls in the air and shot 
cigarettes from her husband's lips. On a European tour she came within 
a mustache hair of averting World War I with a single bullet. The Crown 
Prince of Germany^ insisted she shoot a cigarette from his lips. He survived 
unscathed to become Kaiser Wilhelm II and start World War I. Annie, 
who was my aunt, used a shotgun on quail . . . but I've seen her hit them in 
flight with a .22 rifle. 19 

Among other Florida snapshots in the Garst Museum is one of 
"Mr. and Mrs. Mote, Annie and Frank, 1912," in front of cabins with 
the name "Kamp Kumfort." Written beneath the picture is: "On 

"Cooper, Annie Oakley, 264-266; Walter Havighurst, Annie Oakley of the Wild 
West (New York: Macmillan Company, 1954), 220-221; see also, Outlook, April 8, 

"Swartwout, Missie, 275. 

"Annie Fern Swartwout, undated clipping of this picture and story in possession 
of author, hereinafter cited as Swartwout clipping. The original was probably in the 
Saturday Evening Post. 

18 New York Times, November 14, 1926. 

" Swartwout clipping. 

Annie Oakley in the South 339 

Treasure Island, owned by Mr. Mote." Another picture showing the 
same man standing on the front of a cabin boat carries the identifi- 
cation "Mr. Mote was mayor of Leesburg. ,, 20 Most of the other Garst 
Museum pictures of Florida scenes are badly faded and cannot be 
clearly identified. 

In an autobiographical pamphlet Powders I Have Used, 21 there are, 
among other pictures, two which are labeled "Annie Oakley on her 
private shooting grounds, Leesburg, Florida." There is, however, no 
record that the Butlers ever owned real estate in Lake County. Lees- 
burg residents recall that they stayed always at the Lake view Hotel 
and hunted where anyone else might have hunted. 22 

The biographers of Annie Oakley make no reference to Florida 
from 1912 to 1922. They do not say that she did not go to Florida; 
they do not say that she did. A Leesburg resident, whose father, John 
Jacob Stoer of Philadelphia, was called by Annie Oakley "the best 
quail shot I ever hunted with" remembers that the Butlers did fre- 
quently spend several weeks of the quail season at the Lakeview 
Hotel during those years. 23 Unfortunately the Lakeview was demol- 
ished several years ago and all of its records dispersed or destroyed. 

Annie Oakley's connection with Florida was marred by an automo- 
bile accident in which her right hip and ankle were badly broken. It 
is ironic that a woman whose name was synonymous with the wild 
West and whose life was spent handling firearms and doing acrobatic 
riding, and who never in her career injured herself or anyone else, 
should twice have been seriously injured doing such ordinary things 
as riding in a train and in an automobile. 

Apparently the only preserved journalistic account of the accident 
is the following: 

Annie Oakley Hurt As Auto Overturns 

Annie Oakley, whose name with the circus goers of the past generation 
has been known familiarly, is in critical condition at the Bohannon hos- 
pital, suffering from a broken hip which she suffered in an automobile ac- 
cident on the Dixie Highway Thursday afternoon. 

Miss Oakley is 58 years of age and for 18 years was an expert rifle 
woman with Buffalo BilPs Wild West shows. She was making the Florida 
trip with Mr. and Mrs. J, J. Storer [sic~\, Frank E. Butler and a Mr. Young. 

80 Annie Oakley Mementos, Garst Museum, Greenville, Ohio. 

21 Annie Oakley, Powders I Have Used (Wilmington, Delaware: E. I. du Pont de 
Nemours Powder Company, c. 1914), hereinafter cited as Oakley, Powders. 

22 Mrs. Elizabeth A. Geiger, Leesburg, Florida, to author, November 7, 1965 ; author's 
interview with Mr. C. H. Stoer, Leesburg, December 24, 1964, hereinafter cited as 
Stoer interview. 

23 Stoer interview. 

340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

They were on the way to Leesburg where they had planned to spend the 

A big Cadillac in which they were making the trip turned turtle when 
the driver tried to turn back on the brick pavement after being forced into 
the sand by a passing machine. None of the other members of the party 
were injured, but Miss Oakley was pinned under the car and seriously 
hurt. 24 

The reporter was not very thorough: he misspelled the Stoers' 
name; he seemed not to have known that Frank Butler was Annie's 
husband and that Young was the Steers' chauffeur. 

The biography of Annie by her niece elaborates on the events in 
these words: 

The late fall of 1922 Missie and Jimmie (Mr. Butler) decided to go to 
Leesburg, Florida, for the winter. They had gone to Philadelphia to shop 
and Jimmie met a friend who was going to Leesburg and he suggested that 
they meet him in Jacksonville and ride down to Leesburg with them. The 
friend's chauffeur met the two couples as planned, and on the way they 
went onto a soft shoulder on a new road and landed in the ditch. The re- 
sult was Missie was hurt badly. Her hip out of joint and her ankle broken, 
she spent months in one hospital or another and never could walk without 
a brace on her foot. 

It was very hard for Missie to be an invalid after having been so active 
all of her life. . . . 

After the accident she felt she would not live long, and she thought no 
one would want the gold medals she had won all over the world shooting, 
so she melted them up and sold the gold . . . and gave the money to a chil- 
dren's hospital in the south. 25 

The published accounts of the Oakley automobile accident are not 
entirely consistent with the memories of Leesburg people who were 
friends of the Butlers. One recollection was that the Butlers had been 
at the Lakeview Hotel in the fall of 1922 for some days before the 
accident occurred. The Butlers and some Leesburg friends, three 
cars in all, had gone to Daytona Beach on an outing. En route home, 
between Daytona and DeLand, a telephone lineman working above 
the road accidentally dropped a loop of wire and the driver of the 
car in which the Butlers were riding, in trying to avoid the wire and 
another car, swerved off the road and upset with the result that Annie 
received serious injuries. 26 

Naturally the doctors said she would never shoot again. But by late 
spring, assisted by her crutches and her eternally faithful husband, 

24 Journal (Daytona, Florida), November 11, 1922. 

25 Swartwout, Missie, 293. 
28 Stoer interview. 

Annie Oakley in the South 341 

she went to the Leesburg ball park; balancing on her good left leg, 
she took her favorite rifle and shot down pennies thrown into the air 
—a dozen— without a miss. Indeed eighteen months later, back in 
North Carolina, she went briefly to the Mayview Manor gun club at 
Blowing Rock and broke 98 out of 100 clay pigeons. 27 But she had 
been mortally hurt, and her vitality steadily declined. 

During the ensuing months of pain and limited activity Annie 
Oakley undertook to write her autobiography. But she got only as 
far as 1890. 28 In lamenting this her biographers have failed to note 
or comment upon the pamphlet, Powders I Have Used, which con- 
tains many interesting memories. From her early youth Annie re- 

How well I remember one Christmas Eve when the snow was deep and 
still coming down. . . . The log house was lit up by the blazing logs in the 
big, open fireplace, over which hung our stockings — stockings with many- 
darned places, but no holes, thanks to our good mother. Christmas morn- 
ing we were up before daylight ; all anxious to see what Santa Claus had 
brought. My stocking was so heavy it could not hang from the rail, but 
was laid on the table. When I opened it, or rather pulled the things out of 
it, it contained a can of Dupont Eagle Ducking Black Powder . . . five 
pounds of shot and two boxes percussion caps, all the gift of the merchant 
who bought my game. That was my first can of high grade powder, and 
it was many a day before I broke the seal, for ... I never again expected 
to own another can of such a grade. 29 

Another of "Little Sure Shot's" powder memories concerned the 
French prohibition against the importation of foreign powders. Annie 
felt the success of the Wild West Show depended considerably upon 
the success of her shooting and that the accuracy of her shooting de- 
pended on the quality of the powder. As the show's cast debarked in 
France, Annie walked down the gangplank in an amply bustled dress, 
and as bustles had become decidedly old-fashioned in France at the 
time, she observed French women smiling at her unmodishness; she 
smiled back at them knowing that under the bustle she was weighted 
down with hot water bottles filled with top quality gunpowder! 30 

Many of Annie's memories included her various hunting dogs. To 
the Butlers their setter Dave was a part of their family. Interestingly, 
the status they accorded him was extended to the canine "children" 

27 Cooper, Annie Oakley, 269. 

28 Havighurst, Annie Oakley of the Wild West, 227. 
28 Oakley, Powders, 2. 

30 Oakley, Powders, 5. 

342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of their friends. In a letter to Mrs. Martin G. Brumbaugh, one of her 
shooting pupils at the Carolina, Annie Oakley wrote: 

My dear Mrs. Brumbaugh. 

It was So Sweet of you to write me. 

And the beautiful Photograph I cant tell you how much I appreciate it. 

Dear little Fritz. I just know he is cute. . . . [Mrs. Brumbaugh had ap- 
parently sent Annie Oakley a recent picture of herself and her Tibetan 
spaniel, Fritz.] Every one who has Seen the Photo admired it. . . . 

Mr. Butler joins me in love and good wishes to you both. 

Yours Most Sincerely 
Annie Oakley 

But the memorable part is the postscript: "Love from Dave to 
Fritz." 31 

The story of Dave's death, which occurred on a February Sunday 
in 1923, was sentimentally recorded in the Leesburg Commercial and 
preserved in a scrapbook that Annie kept. 

Auto Kills Red Cross Dog, Dave 
Belonged to Champion Rifle Shot of the World 
Was Famous in Raising Funds for the Red Cross 

During the War With Germany 

"Dave," Annie Oakley's little dog, known the country over as the Red 
Cross dog, that brought thousands of dollars in for the Red Cross during 
the late unpleasantness with Germany, lost his life in an automobile acci- 
dent Sunday evening. "Annie Oakley" and her husband, Frank Butler, 
have been stopping at the Lakeview ever since she was discharged from 
the hospital at Daytona following an automobile accident sometime ago, 
from which she received injuries that still cause her much suffering. 

"Dave" was not only his mistress' pet and companion but was so famous 
that his name starred in the headlines of all the big dailies a few years 
ago and ofttimes his photo adorned the front pages. He was scarcely less 
known than his famous mistress who is the champion rifle shot of the world 
and withal a sweet little woman. 

"Dave" met the fate of many human beings ; he got in the front of a 
rapidly moving automobile Sunday night and was killed. Having no chil- 
dren Mr. and Mrs. Butler had made of "Dave" a pet, a hero, a pal, and in 
his death they feel the sorrow that parents would feel for the loss of a 
child. All during the world war he had been the constant companion and 
helper of his mistress in raising funds for the Red Cross and war work 
and people would often give because of the little fellow that would have 
contributed for no other reason. 

81 Annie Oakley to Mrs. Martin G. Brumbaugh, February 24 [19 ?]. Two letters 
containing this postcript are in possession of author. 

Annie Oakley in the South 343 

With the same tender consideration that parents show for a child the 
body of the unfortunate little fellow was prepared for burial ; his remains 
were taken to a spot in George Winter's beautiful orange grove and there 
interred. Mr. and Mrs. Butler will rear a neat little monument over the 
grave of their pet telling those who might pass this way that here lies the 
body of one of man's faithful friends and who did his bit to give true 
democracy to the world. 32 

Although she could no longer enjoy the quail shooting for which 
she had come to Florida for a decade, Annie Oakley apparently lived 
at the Lakeview Hotel most of the time from late 1922 to April, 1926. 
At that time she and her husband took the train to Annie's native 
Ohio. She died November 3, 1926. After her death Frank Butler, her 
fellow marksman, her adoring and devoted husband, never ate again. 
He said he could not swallow, and he died twenty-three days later. 
They are buried together at Brock, Ohio, a few miles from the site 
of the log cabin in which Annie was born." 


32 Commercial (Leesburg, Florida), February [?], 1923; Havighurst, Annie Oakley 
of the Wild West, 222. 

^Swartwout, Missie, 296; Havighurst, Annie Oakley of the Wild West, 231. 


< The Lower Cape Fear in Colonial Days. By Lawrence Lee. (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1965. Maps, bibliography, notes, 
index. Pp. xiv, 334. $6.00.) 

Professor Lee has written an absorbing and remarkably full ac- 
count of North Carolina's Lower Cape Fear region from the days 
of Spanish interest, when it was a part of the district of Chicora, to 
the close of the American Revolution. While insisting upon the neces- 
sity of a vague definition of the bounds of the Lower Cape Fear, 
the author describes it as roughly the area within a radius of fifty 
miles from the point where the Northeast and Northwest branches 
of the Cape Fear River join. 

All aspects of the history of this area receive careful attention from 
the author. It is quite safe to say that any future work on the Lower 
Cape Fear in the Colonial period will be grounded on this study 
and will represent largely an elaboration on the many themes upon 
which this study touches. It could and should serve as a model for 
similar accounts of the Albemarle and other distinct areas of Colonial 
North Carolina. 

The real significance of this study, however, is not the detailed 
picture it gives of an important but admittedly limited area of Co- 
lonial North Carolina, but the new light it sheds upon the larger 
tapestry of North Carolina Colonial history and through it upon the 
British Empire. For the first time a rational picture of the explora- 
tions and attempts at settlement in the Cape Fear area in the 1660's 
is presented, and at the same time another chapter in the expansion 
of Puritan New England unfolds. Professor Lee's account of the per- 
manent settlement of the Lower Cape Fear in the eighteenth century 
makes an interesting story of intercolonial intrigue, land hunger, and 
interlocking family fortunes. He uncovers the shadowy and mysteri- 
ous plan of Governor George Burrington to create a new colony on 
the Lower Cape Fear independent of North Carolina and South 
Carolina. The importance of the naval stores industry to the economy 
of the Lower Cape Fear is made abundantly clear. Thus, the student 
of the Colonial period is given an almost unique opportunity of study- 
ing a semimanufacturing society operating amidst the agricultural 
economy of the southern colonies. These and other new insights make 

Book Reviews 345 

this work important to anyone interested in the Colonial history of 
this country. Only in the chapters on the Revolutionary era does the 
author fail to add significant new material and even here the account 
is sound and well presented. 

A full bibliography and detailed notes add to the usefulness of 
this volume. 

Herbert R. Paschal 

East Carolina College 

Legal Aspects of Conscription and Exemption in North Carolina, 1861- 
1865. By Memory F. Mitchell. (Chapel Hill: University of North Caro- 
lina Press [Volume 47 of James Sprunt Studies in History and Political 
Science], 1965. Bibliography, index. Pp. vii, 103. $2.50.) 

With every passing year it becomes more difficult to say something 
that is both new and important about the Civil War. Mrs. Mitchell 
has brought off the trick not only very neatly but with the solid schol- 
arly competence that one would expect from the editor of the North 
Carolina Historical Review. She unfolds a narrative charged with 
far more human interest than the sober title invites one to expect; 
and, with the serene detachment of an accomplished scholar, she 
makes her way without fear or favor through the evidence, unintim- 
idated by the public pieties that have too long encumbered Civil 
War historiography with sentimentality and folk-boasting. She 
achieves in the end a major contribution to knowledge of the making 
of the Confederate army. 

Eschewing the more dubious and colorful sources in favor of the 
more authentic but less accessible raw materials of research, the 
writer of this monograph has produced the only work on the subject 
thus far that is worthy of comparison with Albert Moore's Conscrip- 
tion and Conflict in the Confederacy (1924). And by adjusting her 
microscope to a narrower and deeper look at the Confederacy's con- 
scription system she has gone beyond Moore and supplied detail 
and insights not hitherto available to either scholar or general reader. 

Candidly critical of the Confederate states' legal and judicial sys- 
tems, at both national and state levels, she makes all too plain the 
impediments that the North Carolina Supreme Court ( and especially 
Chief Justice Richmond Pearson) threw into the path of the be- 
leaguered South. To third-generation Confederates, far more ener- 
getic in the defense of the Confederacy than were their forebears a 

346 The North Carolina Historical Review 

century ago, it may come as a painful surprise to see so impressively 
marshaled the facts about the enormous difficulties under which the 
South— after the first rush of hotheaded enlistments had subsided— 
labored to get men into army ranks and to keep them there. But the 
facts are plain and conclusive, and every friend of historical truth 
who is interested in the history of America's tragedy should be grate- 
ful to the writer of this incisive little book for gathering the data and 
recounting them with unpretentious literary grace and with under- 
standing and compassion. 

The work's documentation is a model of historical craftsmanship; 
the Bibliography attests her discriminating use of the really signifi- 
cant sources; and if errors of fact or interpretation have crept in, they 
eluded two readings by this applauding reviewer. 

One is almost embarrassed, these days, to award such unstinting 
praise to a scholar's first book, but one has no choice but to pronounce 
this latest title in the James Sprunt Studies a supremely worthy addi- 
tion to that distinguished series. 

Richard Bardolph 

University of North Carolina at Greensboro 

Tennessee's War, 1861-1865: Described by Participants. Compiled and 
edited by Stanley F. Horn. (Nashville: Tennessee Civil War Centennial 
Commission, 1965. Pp. 364. $5.95.) 

Readers who enjoy Civil War history have reason to be grateful to 
Mr. Horn for this excellent selection of participants' accounts of the 
struggle in Tennessee. From Jefferson Davis to the private in the 
ranks, from general officers to noncombatants, a recognized authority 
on the time and place has deftly drawn his source materials for a 
thoroughly delightful book. Mr. Horn has not been content to stop 
with graphic re-creations of skirmishes, battles, and campaigns. Inter- 
ludes between the fighting, problems of supply, personal rivalries, 
and attitudes and actions of civilians lend breadth and perspective 
to the volume. 

While most of the commentators are those whom almost any fairly 
well-informed person would anticipate meeting between these boards, 
there is an element of surprise in other instances. Henry M. Stanley, 
for example, is one writer whom many people would not expect to 
encounter. Ambrose Bierce is another. The very variety of the eye- 
witnesses makes Tennessee's War anything but stale. Creditable 

Book Reviews 347 

criticism, moreover, is a constant in almost every chapter. Adverse 
comments on some contents of the Ulysses S. Grant memoirs are both 
followed and preceded by praise for Lew Wallace. Bedford Forrest's 
effectiveness, Braxton Bragg's irresolution, and John Schofield's lack 
of generosity to J. B. Hood invite and receive editorial treatment. 
Postwar wrangling is not omitted. Some quotations are memorable, 
such as E. A. Pollard's after Bragg was kicked upstairs to become 
Davis' military adviser. "This happy announcement," the tart jour- 
nalist declared, "should enliven . . . confidence and enthusiasm . . . 
like a bucket of water on a newly kindled grate." And wry humor 
blends with the longing and pathos of separation in: 

If I ever get through this war, 
And Lincoln's chains don't bind me, 
I'll make my way to Tennessee — 
To the girl I left behind me. 

Defects worth mentioning are not numerous. One is the absence 
of an index— a deficiency which will disappoint scholars though it 
may not disturb the general reader. Secondly, page citations are not 
given. There are a few misspellings, but principal emphasis should 
be placed on the sheer sweep of Mr. Horn's accomplishment which 
is so impressive that limitations pale alongside what has been 

Holman Hamilton 

University of Kentucky 

Prohibition and Politics: Turbulent Decades in Tennessee, 1885-1920. By 
Paul E. Isaac. (Knoxville : University of Tennessee Press, 1965. Pp. ix, 
301. $6.00.) 

The presence of colorful politicians, virile guardians of public 
morals, and plentiful supplies of Lem Motlow's golden liquid is 
likely to provide the necessary ingredients for a lively agitation over 
the question of prohibition. No one will doubt the existence of such 
a combination in Tennessee after reading this thoroughly documented 
account of the prohibition movement and its political consequences 
in the Volunteer State between 1885 and 1920. In many respects 
Professor Paul E. Isaac has written a model monograph describing 
the grass-roots struggle over prohibition in an area where it reached 
an intensity unsurpassed elsewhere in the nation. 

348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The first major victory of the Tennessee temperance forces in the 
post-Civil War era was the passage of the Four Mile Law, in 1877, 
which prohibited the sale of liquor within four miles of schools out- 
side unincorporated towns. As amended in later years, this act "be- 
came the instrument for drying up the entire state." Quickening the 
tempo of their activities early in the 1880's, the prohibitionists tried 
unsuccessfully to secure the adoption of an appropriate constitutional 
amendment. Following this rebuff, the various temperance organiza- 
tions turned to the Prohibition party as the means of winning a vic- 
tory. The dismal failure of their third-party venture prompted a 
return to the regular party folds where their agitation had a disrup- 
tive effect on politics in general and on the Democratic party in par- 
ticular. In the face of strong opposition and occasional outbursts of 
violence, the antiliquor forces expanded prohibition in piecemeal 
fashion by gradually extending the provisions of the Four Mile Law 
to cover areas excluded from the original act. Finally, in 1909, amid 
the singing of the "Doxology" and "Dixie," the legislature passed a 
state-wide prohibition law. For the next decade the proponents of the 
statute learned by bitter experience that the enforcement of prohibi- 
tion was an even more complex task than the passage of legislation. 
And by the time the noble experiment was inaugurated on the na- 
tional level, prohibition had already proved to be a failure in Ten- 

Professor Isaac describes the prohibitionists in Tennessee as honest 
men who sincerely believed the world would be a better place with- 
out alcoholic beverages. Theirs was a reform movement which "was 
stimulated by and flourished in conjunction with other waves of 
reformism." It was linked, either directly or indirectly, with such 
issues and causes as woman suffrage, trusts and "special interests," 
election reforms, and the "Negro question." Undoubtedly some cler- 
gymen and politicians used prohibition as a convenient substitute for 
other reforms which might thrust them into a treacherous conflict 
with regional traditions. At any rate, prohibitionism retained a dis- 
tinct identity as an uncompromising moral crusade in defense of 
"home, hope and heaven." Convinced that the saloon was the source 
of virtually all evil, the zealous prohibitionist saw himself as his 
brother's keeper and as the instrument for bringing about a return 
to godliness. Noble though their motives may have been, the cru- 
saders against demon rum at times exerted a disturbing, even per- 
nicious, influence that obscured their more "beneficial contributions." 

Willard B. Gatewood 
University of Georgia 

Book Reviews 349 

The Negro in the Reconstruction of Florida, 1865-1877. By Joe M. Rich- 
ardson. (Tallahassee: Florida State University [Florida State Univer- 
sity Studies, Number 46], 1965. Notes, bibliography, index. Pp. xi, 255. 

Professor Richardson of the history department at Florida State 
University has made a valuable addition to Florida, Negro, and Re- 
construction history. Richardson has converted his doctoral disserta- 
tion into a readable, well-organized, and scholarly book. 

Maybe Dr. Richardson has not presented much radically new in- 
formation, but he has summarized the period and topic into a compact 
and very impartial book. A wealth of primary and secondary sources 
indicates tedious and extensive search and research. 

This is more than a political history for such interesting chapters 
as "Negro Religion," "The Negro Farmer," and "Negro Labor and 
Education" give the book a much broader scope. The statistical data 
have been neatly interwoven with the text and do not detract from 
the reading. 

The book will not satisfy reactionaries or extremists. Richardson 
concludes that Negro and carpetbagger leadership in Florida had 
positive features which are well documented by the author. At the 
same time he does not glorify their rule. 

One can find only minor flaws too insignificant to mention. The 
author and Florida State University Studies are to be congratulated 
for a well-written book that represents a true contribution. 

Charles W. Arnade 

University of South Florida 

Newspaper Story of a Town: A History of Danville, Kentucky. By Rich- 
ard W. Griffin. (Danville: Advocate-Messenger and the Kentucky Ad- 
vocate, 1965. Pp. 206. $3.25.) 

On June 27, 1965, the Danville (Kentucky) Advocate-Messenger 
published a special edition of its Sunday newspaper, the Kentucky 
Advocate, to celebrate its one hundredth anniversary. This book is a 
reprint of the historical material which appeared in that special 

The initial chapter is a brief survey of the Danville press from 1806, 
when the Informant, Danville's first newspaper, was established, to 
1965. Successive chapters deal in the same fashion with education, re- 
ligion, politics, manufacturing, and other aspects of the town's devel- 

350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

opment. Sources are the columns of past issues of the Advocate. No 
footnotes, index, or table of contents are supplied. 

This book is not a model of the printer's art. But, as Editor Enos 
Swain of the Danville Advocate-Messenger explains in the Preface, 
the articles that appeared in the special edition are issued in book 
form "for the convenience of those who wish to preserve it in their 
libraries for future generations." Considering the quality of paper 
used, this might have been better accomplished by issuing the special 
edition in microfilm. 

Robert N. Elliott 

North Carolina State University 

William Strachey, 1572-1621. By S. G. Culliford. (Charlottesville: Univer- 
sity Press of Virginia, 1965. Foreword, footnotes, appendix, biblio- 
graphy, index. Pp. 224. $4.50.) 

William Strachey, the central figure in this plodding account, was 
a ne'er-do-well Englishman who achieved a degree of fame from his 
two-year stay in the Virginia Company's Jamestown settlement and 
from the writings he compiled after his stay. 

Born in 1572 to a middle-class yeoman family, Strachey went to 
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in 1588 and shortly afterward en- 
tered one of the famous Inns of Court. Though ostensibly pursuing 
an education, Strachey preferred to while away his hours in London 
and consequently never received a degree. In 1595 Strachey married 
into a noteworthy London family, but he soon tired of the confine- 
ments of the nuptial state and took to gambling and "sowing his 
youthful wild oats." With his debts mounting, Strachey obtained an 
appointment as personal secretary to the representative of the Levant 
Company in Turkey. He immediately entered into collusion against 
his superior only to find himself being dismissed within a year. In 
1609 he was appointed secretary to the Jamestown colony and ven- 
tured westward to the New World. En route Strachey's ship was 
wrecked on the Bermuda Islands, but eventually he reached Virginia. 
In 1611 Strachey was back in London editing the laws of the James- 
town settlement for publication. He then left his position with the 
Virginia Company and retired into seclusion for the remaining years 
of his life. During this period he wrote A true reportory of the wracke, 
and redemption of Sir Thomas Gates Knight dealing with the Ber- 
muda incident. From this work Shakespeare is said to have drawn 

Book Reviews 351 

the theme for his famous Tempest. Strachey also completed a manu- 
script, The historie of travaile into Virginia Britannia, which was a 
compilation of various observations on Virginia, but in this work he 
was preceded by both John Smith and Thomas Hariot. 

The author notes at one point (p. 99) that Captain George Way- 
mouth returned in 1605, "bringing with him the first American In- 
dians seen in England." North Carolinians especially would protest 
this incursion on the fame of the Amadas and Barlowe expedition of 
1584 which took Wanchese and Manteo to London. 

Culliford, who is now with Victoria University of Wellington, New 
Zealand, originally prepared this study as a doctoral dissertation at 
the University of London. Though meticulously researched, Culli- 
ford's work suffers from the very insignificance of the life he was 
laboring to re-create. 

James K. Huhta 

Middle Tennessee State University 

The Reverend John Clayton, A Parson with a Scientific Mind: His Scien- 
tific Writings and Other Related Papers. Edited, with biographical 
sketch, by Edmund Berkeley and Dorothy Smith Berkeley. (Charlottes- 
ville : University Press of Virginia, for the Virginia Historical Society, 
1965. Illustrations, bibliographical notes, appendixes, index. Pp. lxiii, 
170. $6.50.) 

As a sequel to their recent valuable biography of John Clayton, 
Edmund and Dorothy Smith Berkeley now give an excellent edition 
of the minister's scientific writings. The work begins with a succinct, 
40-page biographical sketch in which the Berkeleys reveal the Eng- 
lish background of Clayton's scientific interests and then proceeds to 
a brief biographical description of his activities in Virginia, his work 
in England (1686-1697), and his later work in Ireland. It is of interest 
that Clayton worked with Robert Boyle and that he interested him- 
self in anatomy, physiology, chemistry, and physics. "His most im- 
portant scientific discovery was probably his determination that coal 
can be distilled, with the formation of coal tars and the release of an 
inflammable gas capable of being stored and controlled" (p. lxii). 

Clayton's writings are arranged chronologically, the bulk of them 
covering the ten years after 1686 when Clayton completed his ob- 
servations concerning Virginia. The clergyman's varied interests are 
reflected in his descriptions of Indians and climate, in his anthropo- 

352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

logical observations of snakes and birds, and in his description of the 
properties of tobacco. In 1688 he wrote: "I conceive Tobacco to be a 
Plant abounding with Nitro-Sulphurious Particles; for . . . if it be 
good, it will sparkle after the manner of Gunpowder. . . . The World 
knows little of the efficacy of its Oyl, which has wonderful effects in 
the curing of old inveterate Sores, and Scropulous Swellings. . . . The 
goodness of Tobacco I look on primarily consists in the volatility of 
its Nitre; And hence the sandy Grounds that are most impregnated 
there with, . . . yield Tobacco's that have the richest Scent, and that 
shortly becomes a pleasant Smoak . . " (p. 61). 

Claytons writing is a quaint mixture of unbelievably poor spelling 
and a prodigious mastery of vocabulary. He strikes the reviewer as 
rather pompous (though the subject matter may account for this 
impression) and devoid of humor. But of his perspicacity and his 
ability there can be no doubt. 

Under the discerning pen of the Berkeleys, the Reverend John 
Clayton emerges as still another of those astonishing "Renaissance" 
men of the Colonial period. In his diversity of interests, Clayton is 
reminiscent of Hugh Jones, the distinguished minister of Williams- 
burg and Bohemia. 

Robert W. Ramsey 

Hollins College 

The Prose Works of William Byrd of Westover: Narratives of a Colonial 
Virginian. Edited by Louis B. Wright. (Cambridge: Belknap Press of 
Harvard University Press, 1966. Illustrations, notes, index. Pp. viii, 438. 

Since earlier editions of these writings by William Byrd have long 
been out of print, interested readers and scholars alike will receive 
this new volume with pleasure. No earlier edition, furthermore, con- 
tained all four of Byrd's known original works: The Secret History 
of the Line, The History of the Dividing Line, A Progress to the 
Mines, and A Journey to the Land of Eden. Only the recent avail- 
ability of the Westover Manuscripts, now in the Virginia Historical 
Society, has made this definitive edition possible. 

In preparing a new and long-needed edition of these writings, Louis 
B. Wright has endeavored to produce a text which will be of maximum 
use to reader and scholar alike. The policy has been to modernize 
"eccentricities of spelling, punctuation, and capitalization" without 

Book Reviews 353 

any violence to Byrd's actual words or grammar. Variant manuscripts 
have been carefully examined and missing words and even pages 
have been restored, producing both a readable and useful text. The 
work of earlier editors, especially that of William K. Boyd, has been 
retained and expanded to make a more meaningful edition. 

It is unnecessary here to present a detailed analysis of Byrd's writ- 
ings. His polished descriptions and urbane wit are a delight to read. 
The color of personalities, both Byrd's and others, fills the Secret 
History. The History of the Dividing Line provides fuller descriptions 
of the natural history of the North Carolina- Virginia boundary with 
less reflection on the characteristics of the inhabitants of the region. 
A Progress to the Mines is the delightful narrative of a journey to 
examine the iron operations at Fredericksburg and Germanna where 
Byrd explored this industry with a view to a similar venture on his 
own lands. Finally, in The Journey to the Land of Eden, he explored 
an area to which he had first been attracted during the survey of the 
dividing line and which he hoped to develop and colonize. 

Both Louis B. Wright and the publishers should be commended for 
producing so able and attractive an edition of these early American 

Carlos R. Allen, Jr. 

Colorado State University 

Lord Dartmouth and the American Revolution. By B. D. Bargar. (Colum- 
bia : University of South Carolina Press, 1965. Illustrations, index. Pp. 
ix, 219. $6.50.) 

Professor B. D. Bargar of the University of South Carolina has 
written a book of interest to both American and English historians. 
His study of the second Earl of Dartmouth, with particular emphasis 
on his tenure as president of the Board of Trade in 1765-1766 and as 
secretary of the American Department in 1772-1775, illuminates Brit- 
ish politics in those years and, by virtue of the time and offices, deals 
extensively with American problems. The sketch of Dartmouth's life 
before and between offices helps to explain why he got where he did 
and why he did not do more. The book is very thoroughly annotated 
and includes a fascinating essay on the Dartmouth manuscripts which 
have been frequently moved, cataloged, and separated. With all this 
to be said to its credit, Dr. Bargar's book is still curiously unsatis- 
factory. Probably this can be explained by his primary training as an 

354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

American Colonial historian. His book centers on events in Britain, 
so it is rather cursory in its treatment of American events, and yet it 
is tentative in its conclusions on British affairs. It seems clear from 
the author's account that politics and Colonial affairs were never 
Lord Dartmouth's overriding concern. He was an intelligent, con- 
scientious member of the ruling class and as such did his duty. That 
duty called him to high places was due not to ambition or special 
ability but to family connections. His mother married Lord North's 
father, the second marriage for both; the offspring of the first mar- 
riages were much of an age and became close friends. Dartmouth 
took office, especially in 1772, because he was trusted by North, 
approved by the King, and could be counted on for support in any 
circumstances. This was North's and the King's ministry, and it is 
hardly surprising that the holders of sensitive offices were men who 
would follow, not try to lead. This study of the "good Lord Dart- 
mouth" convincingly demonstrates that Dartmouth College and not 
his political career is his most fitting memorial. 

Barbara Brandon Schnorrenberg 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

The Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation. 
By Richard Hakluyt. Introduction by David Beers Quinn and Raleigh 
Ashlin Skelton. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Hak- 
luyt Society and the Peabody Museum of Salem, 2 volumes, 1965. In- 
troduction, index. Pp. ix, 975. $35.00.) 

The Hakluyt Society has issued this photo-lithographic facsimile of 
the 1589 printing of Hakluyt's masterpiece as a volume in its "Extra 
Series." Richard Hakluyt was a master collector of travelers' tales at 
a time when English sailors and explorers were just beginning to 
bring home both true and exaggerated accounts of the wonders of 
the world outside England. Hakluyt most likely met these men in 
the ports as they returned. His accounts are fresh and often read as if 
they had received very little editing. Later printings of his collected 
voyages show signs of having been polished. In fact, some stories 
which appear in this edition were never again printed. 

Not all of the travel accounts here were contemporary. Some were 
based on scholarly research and date from 337 a.d., but most of them 
are of the sixteenth century. Some also were printed in the original 
language in which they were written. As was the custom in 1589, the 

Book Reviews 355 

book is printed with a combination of blackletter, roman, and italic 
type. This may at first slow the reader, but as the editors point out, 
a slower reading often reveals facts overlooked during a less demand- 
ing mental exercise. 

North Carolinians will be interested in the early printings here of 
Walter Raleigh's patent from Queen Elizabeth, the Amadas and Bar- 
lowe account, a brief document concerning Sir Richard Grenville, and 
the longer accounts of the colonies of Ralph Lane and John White. 
Hakluyt's book was published, of course, before it was known that 
White's colony was lost, so the last document on this subject is head- 
ed "The first voyage intended for the supply of the Colonie planted 
in Virginia by Iohn White which being vndertaken in the yeere 1588 
by casualtie tooke no effect." 

An introductory essay by David B. Quinn and R. A. Skelton pro- 
vides information on Hakluyt's work, especially in the compilation of 
this particular volume— which appeared in one volume originally 
instead of two as now. The contemporary published and unpublished 
sources from which he drew are fully discussed. Differences between 
this 1589 edition and the later edition are also enumerated. For one, 
White's account of the unsuccessful 1588 attempt to get supplies to 
his Roanoke colony was replaced by the story of his 1590 visit to the 

A very careful bibliographical description and a provisional check 
list of surviving copies in various states form a part of the Introduction. 
The editors located 102 copies of which 59 are in the United States. 
The only copy recorded in North Carolina is in the Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh Collection in the University Library in Chapel Hill. 

The crowning glory of this new printing is a magnificent modern 
index prepared by Mrs. Alison Quinn, wife of one of the editors. It 
is unbelievably full and accurate. Anyone with an interest in anything 
will surely find something here to delight him: ambassadors; beans, 
beer, birds, books; carpets, ceremony, China; diseases, dyes; eggs; 
fleas, flounders; Greeks; houses; Ivan IV; Jezebel; knives; lambs and 
lions; maps, market places in Bokhara, or mastiffs; navigation; oats, 
ochre, or onions; painting, penguins, Peru, or Plato; quart measures 
and quivers; religious relics, rye; salutes, ships, skirts, or swans; tax- 
ation, ties, or tombs; unicorns, utensils; Valparaiso, velvet, or vol- 
canoes; watchmen, wheels, windmills; Xalapa, xeraphine; yew or 
youghang (in Lapp); or Zacchacus and zones. There is something 
here for everybody, and browsing in the Index is better than a visit 
to a modern department store. 

William S. Powell 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 

356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Enterprising Colonials: Society on the Eve of the Revolution. By Wil- 
liam Sachs and Ari Hoogenboom. (Chicago: Argonaut, Inc., 1965. 
Illustrations, maps, notes, appendixes, index. Pp. xii, 236. $8.50.) 

This volume will appeal to two kinds of readers. The first three 
chapters, a survey of the Colonial economy from Jamestown to the 
Declaration of Independence, and the last three, a description of 
British economic policy and its effect upon the colonies, are extremely 
sketchy and will be of more interest to the intelligent lay reader than 
to the serious student of Colonial history. Six middle chapters, in 
contrast, represent a comprehensive attempt to describe and analyze 
the central features of Colonial social and economic life in the years 
just prior to the American Revolution. Based upon considerable re- 
search in original sources and an intensive examination of much of 
the existing secondary literature, they may be read with profit by 
scholar and layman alike. 

In its main outlines the authors' description does not depart rad- 
ically from the general picture of Colonial society that has been 
emerging over the past decade. Predominantly rural in character, 
highly fluid, and marked by great extremes in wealth, it was presided 
over by a self-made "power elite" which consisted of the large land- 
holders, the more successful businessmen, and members of the pro- 
fessions. Operating within a commonly accepted structure of values 
borrowed wholesale from England and emphasizing such individual 
values as industry, frugality, sobriety, moderation, and the desire to 
excel, and such social ideals as the stewardship of the upper classes 
and the deference of the lower, this elite dominated every aspect of 
Colonial life not by coercion but by the customary and almost uni- 
versal acquiescence of the middle and lower orders of society. Such 
social and political conflict as there was, then, was not between 
classes but between rival factions of the same class. 

What is much less conventional, what is, in fact, the underlying 
thesis of the volume and its most intriguing proposition, is the argu- 
ment that the animating force behind these social arrangements was 
a rank, if often unconscious, devotion to individual enterprise, to the 
"mundane quest for more and more worldly goods." Manifesting it- 
self in the restless striving of Colonial economic life and the chaotic 
factionalism of Colonial politics, this "unconstrained anxiety for 
worldly possessions," the authors argue, came to be regarded in the 
colonies as a positive social good "ordained by God and impelled by 
a benign nature"— a social ideal which held that the "grasping prin- 
ciples of self-interest lay at the bottom of all happiness, and that the 

Book Reviews 357 

greatest [social] good could only be obtained by giving free reign to 
[individual] avarice." Further study will be required before this 
proposition can be confirmed, before the relative importance of indi- 
vidual enterprise and traditional values as motivational forces in Co- 
lonial life can be understood, and before it will be known whether or 
not the set of social assumptions that flowed from that enterprise had 
actually been elevated to the status of a conscious ideal before the 
American Revolution. By formulating and presenting so powerful an 
argument for the importance of this proposition as well as for calling 
attention— in the same section of the book— to the growth of inter- 
urban economic ties in the colonies through the middle decades of 
the eighteenth century and the growing economic difficulties arising 
from a burgeoning urban population, adverse business conditions, and 
an inflationary spiral in the years just prior to the Revolution, the 
authors have made an important contribution to the continuing in- 
quiry into the nature of early American life. 

Jack P. Greene 

University of Michigan 

American Forts: Yesterday and Today. By Bruce Grant. (New York: 
E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1965. Illustrations, maps, bibliography. Pp. 
381. $5.95.) 

If one should be asked what individual has been most often com- 
memorated in the names of the fortifications in what is today the 
United States, he likely would respond Washington. Bruce Grant lists 
nine such forts in his book. He also lists twelve forts named for one 
or another of the British Kings George, including seven for George III 
of which a number subsequently were renamed for Washington. Thus 
at worst George III is runner-up. 

Mr. Grant is a prolific writer of informational and educational books 
having particular appeal to the younger reader. Often his writings 
have interest for adults and this is so of his present offering. It is en- 
cyclopedic, as are several of the author's other works, but not exhaus- 
tive. The approximately 1,200 installations mentioned in greater or 
less detail in Mr. Grant's compilation are but a fraction of the thou- 
sands of military posts established at one time or another in this 
country. Selections for inclusion in this volume appear to be limited 
to those posts known as "forts." 

A few entries with other nomenclature appear, such as Big Horn 

358 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Post, Montana, and Cantonment Pagosa Springs, Colorado. Such ex- 
ceptions, however, are invariably shown to have been redesignated 
"forts." Thus Big Horn Post became Fort Custer (not to be confused 
with present-day Fort Custer, Michigan) while Cantonment Pagosa 
Springs was renamed Fort Lewis (not to be confused with present- 
day Fort Lewis, Washington). The parenthetical comments are sig- 
nificant because the modern-day installations, which are extremely 
important to current defense establishment, date from World War I 
but are not listed in the book. The test of longevity does not explain 
the omission of these latter posts because other World War I facili- 
ties, such as Fort Benning, Georgia (established 1918), are mentioned 
in the volume. The reference to Fort Benning, incidentally, is quite 
brief and fails to state that the post is the site of the United States 
Army Infantry Center. These lacks are regrettable. 

Equally unfortunate is the omission of a venerable installation like 
Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, which has been in virtually continu- 
ous use since its founding by the British in 1752. Presumably the 
absence of the word "fort" from its name excluded this historic post 
from the book. 

Notwithstanding the foregoing defects, Mr. Grant has produced a 
useful, even fascinating, book. It is replete with anecdotes concerning 
the origins and history of many of the nations historic outposts. In 
spinning these yarns the author preserves a campfire atmosphere, 
thus making it difficult to put the book down. The work deserves a 
place in the library of the military history student, but it should not 
be regarded as scholarly in the sense of Father Prucha's Guide to the 
Military Posts of the United States which was reviewed in the Sum- 
mer, 1965, issue of this periodical. 

Mr. Grant's book is much more entertaining. Indeed, the incom- 
pleteness of some of his accounts generates an element of suspense. 
For example, for which George was the fort near Greeley, Colorado, 
named when it was built in 1838 by the Canadian fur traders William 
Bent and Ceran St. Vrain? The author does not say, but one might 
hope it was George IV (d. 1830) thus rounding out the memorializa- 
tion of the Hanoverian Georges. 

John D. F. Phillips 


Book Reviews 359 

The Negro in the South Since 1865: Selected Essays in American Negro 
History. Edited by Charles E. Wynes. (University: University of Ala- 
bama Press [Southern Historical Publications, Number 10], 1965. 
Notes, index. Pp. 253. $6.95.) 

In his introduction, Professor Wynes states that much of the best 
recent history "by and about Negroes" has been in the form of articles 
in scholarly journals. But articles tend to become "obscure" a few 
months after their publication, and thereafter only "a few specialists" 
make the "diligent search" necessary to find and read them. The 
purpose of this volume, then, is "to rescue from this oblivion some of 
the articles on the history of the Negro since 1865. . . ." The editor's 
only scheme of selection was to include "some of the best articles" on 
the political and social history of the Negro. 

Having established these broad limits for himself, the editor prob- 
ably spent the best part of an afternoon in diligent search through 
some leading periodicals and selected enough articles to comprise a 
small volume. Five of the articles are from the Journal of Southern 
History, two are from the American Quarterly, and one each is from 
the South Atlantic Quarterly, the Virginia Magazine of History and 
Biography, and the American West. Robert Miller wrote an essay 
especially for this volume on "Southern White Protestantism and the 
Negro, 1865-1965." 

The result is a hodgepodge. On the one hand, there are articles of 
basic interpretation by C. Vann Woodward, Dewey Grantham, and 
John Hope Franklin. By comparison, Maxwell Bloomfield, "Dixon's 
The Leopard's Spots," and Philip Durham and Everett Jones, "Negro 
Cowboys," seem trivial. The editor included his own essay on "Lewis 
Harvie Blair, Virginia Reformer," and only succeeded in resurrecting 
a poor article. And why should Robert Miller's original essay crowd 
out other worthy articles ( for instance, one from the Journal of Negro 
History) from a volume designed to rescue valuable articles from 
oblivion? Finally, the themes of most of the articles relate only indi- 
rectly to the title of the book: they deal with the white man's attitudes 
toward the Negro rather than with significant phases of Negro history. 

W. B. Yearns 

Wake Forest College 

/The Strange Career of Jim Crow. By C. Vann Woodward. (New York: 
Oxford University Press, Second Revised Edition, 1966. Preface, bibliog- 
raphy, index. Pp. xvii, 205. $4.50.) 

Professor Woodward's basic assumption is that segregation has 
depended largely for its strict observance, at any given time, on the 

360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sanction of state laws. Whether these laws have been an expression 
of a belief in a natural law or a means of maintaining white suprem- 
acy is beside the point and is given deservedly slight attention. En- 
forcement of such laws has always presented opportunities for in- 
equalities and injustices that have been the bases for protests and have 
too often exploded in violence. Thinking Americans have known 
these things for a hundred years, but southerners have at times yield- 
ed to political expediency and race prejudice in leaving the published 
expression of these sentiments to the spiritual heirs of northern aboli- 
tionists and southern eccentrics. The last quarter of a century has 
seen the maturing of a generation of research scholars who have 
labored earnestly at giving historical sanction to these principles of 
logic and morality. It is notable that of the forty titles listed in the 
Bibliography only seven were originally published before 1940. 

Even in a summary treatment a broader coverage of the origins of 
the segregation system, 1865-1896, would be desirable for the sake 
of younger readers and those who have never lived in the Deep 
South. Problems in public transportation and dining facilities get 
most attention; jury service and political activities are well presented; 
treatment of separation of the races in public schools is barely ade- 
quate; exclusion of Negroes from militia service is not mentioned; 
efforts to prevent the obviously growing practice of miscegenation 
are mentioned only incidentally. The author's long and effective 
study of Populism enables him to present the struggle over these 
matters as the basis for the emergence in the 1890's of the white 
supremacists. These later seized upon the decision in Plessy v. Fer- 
guson, 1896, as general acceptance of their chief means of enforce- 
ment at about the same time they took over control of the Demo- 
cratic party and the state legislatures in the South. The moralists and 
liberals were never silenced, however, and in the Truman adminis- 
tration their views broke through the veil of official silence at Wash- 
ington. With the establishment of this beachhead, the "separate but 
equal" doctrine, which had been applied as a sort of afterthought to 
education and other public services, was soon revealed to the world 
as the pretense which it probably had been from the start. 

The most recent stage in the career of legalized segregation was 
initiated on February 1, 1960, when four college boys staged the first 
sit-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter at Greensboro. From that date 
until the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 Jim Crow's 
decline proceeds in the last twenty-two pages of the narrative by 
days and months rather than by years and decades as had his march 

Book Reviews 361 

to victory, 1865-1896, and his uneasy reign, 1896-1960. Professor 
Woodward, incidentally, is too careful a scholar to essay the role of 
a prophet in predicting the manner or the time of his ultimate down- 

Paul Murray 
East Carolina College 

Writing Southern History: Essays in Historiography in Honor of Fletcher Is 
M. Green. Edited by Arthur S. Link and Rembert W. Patrick (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965. Notes, index, bibliog- 
raphy of writings of Professor Green. Pp. x, 502. $12.00.) 

This collection of essays on southern historiography by former 
students of Professor Fletcher Green of the University of North 
Carolina at Chapel Hill is a splendid tribute to "a master teacher." 
It will be indispensable for many years to scholars interested in the 
histoiy of the southern states. Here are gathered the essays of seven- 
teen scholars, each an authority in his field, surveying the historical 
literature on the South from Colonial origins to the present day. In 
this volume are exhibited several notable characteristics of the south- 
ern scholars trained by Professor Green: (1) They display a high 
degree of critical ability, although often they are very generous in 
their evaluations. (2) Some of them recognize the ironies in southern 
historical writing. (3) They are dominated by a truly modern and 
liberal spirit. (4) They have a national rather than a sectional out- 
look. (5) They are virtually free from romantic notions about the 
South. (6) They show a keen discernment of the significant. 

As one contemplates the vast amount of historical writing on the 
South represented in this volume, one may be surprised to see what 
a small proportion of it is by northern authors. One is also impressed 
by the fact that such a large proportion of scholarly works on south- 
ern history is still devoted to the period 1830-1865. Moreover, the 
political aspects of the history of the region still attract the great 
majority of southern students, who neglect the rich economic, social, 
and cultural sources/Nevertheless, it is indicative of the development 
of a new dimension in southern history that two excellent chapters 
are included on intellectual and cultural history. This volume points 
out numerous neglected phases of southern history and enticing op- 
portunities for monographs and doctoral dissertations. Despite pro- 
digious publications on the Civil War in recent years, it is amazing 

362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

how many aspects of the history of the Confederacy remain virtually 
untouched. Throughout these essays revisionism is dominant, and 
one might conclude that destroying myths is the main occupation 
of historians. The editors have done a superb job in planning the 
volume and in maintaining a high standard of accuracy. One great 
step toward distinction in southern, as well as in American historical 
writing, lies in the future development of a literary style that will 
elevate historical writing in this country. If one becomes alarmed at 
the deluge of recent books on the South, one might be consoled by 
the thought of Sir Francis Bacon that the remedy for such a plethora 
is to write still another book that will render the others obsolete. 

Clement Eaton 

University of Kentucky 

ton** Mrt* »_ A G- for «. C _ if , «, «,. M„- 
ested Individual. By George McCalmon and Christian Moe. (Carbon- 
dale : Southern Illinois University Press, e. 1965. Drawings, appendixes, 
bibliography, notes, index. Pp. xvi, 393. $12.50.) 

A conspicuous and often spectacular flowering of folk art in recent 
years has occurred in historical drama. Dramas of many historical 
events have been put on the stage. Usually composed, produced, and 
financed in the communities of the original locale, many gained more 
than local acclaim. The state of North Carolina stands prominent in 
the record of historical drama in America, especially because of the 
epic-drama The Lost Colony, its author Paul Green, and his prede- 
cessor Frederick Henry Koch, founder of the Carolina Playmakers. 

As indicated in its subtitle, Creating Historical Drama stresses the 
dependence of historical drama on the community. It is a guide which 
is intended to be useful in any locality where there exist sufficient 
awareness of the historic past, sufficient energy and talent to put that 
past into a script and onto a stage, and sufficient interest and support 
to keep the undertaking solvent. The book is directed to nonspecial- 
ists and slights no fundamentals, but it profits from the extensive 
professional and educational experience of the authors. Here are 
suggestions on selecting historical materials, shaping them into an 
actable drama; designing a stage for a church, a stadium, or a hill- 
side; organizing community talent for the performance; and mobiliz- 
ing local resources to meet the requirements of logistics and finance. 
Separate chapters offer hints specifically on biography-drama, pag- 

Book REVIEWS- 363 

eant-drama, and epic-drama. The usefulness of the book is increased 
by appended lists of historical dramas that have been produced, 
pertinent terms and concepts, and printed works related to the sub- 
ject. ' 

In the Foreword, Louis C. Jones says that "history made dull is a 
betrayal of the past." This book was written with firm confidence 
that there need be no such betrayal in historical drama. 

Arlin Turner 
Duke ^University 

Steam Locomotives and Boats: Southern Railway System. By Richard E. 
Prince. (Green River, Wyoming: Richard E. Prince, c. 1965. Illustra- 
tions, maps, charts, rosters. Pp. 204. $10.00.) 

The importance of the Southern Railway System as a subject for 
historians can hardly be questioned. Its 10,000-mile system makes it 
the rail giant of the South; in North Carolina alone Southern Rail- 
way, or its subsidiaries, operates 1,500 miles of road, a third of the 
state's total mileage. Surprisingly, however, the railway has never 
received attention from writers proportionate to its prominence. 

Welcome, therefore, is Richard E. Prince's verbal and pictorial 
volume which incorporates a 40-page history of the railway. There 
are shorter chapters on trains and boats, but the book is chiefly an 
extended survey and description of all classes of the railway's steam 
locomotives, complete with specification tables and engine rosters. 

The book contains more illustrations than text, and the selection 
of photographs is remarkable. Two-thirds of the 357 photographs 
are of locomotives, but the remaining pictures include many fine 
action shots. Carolina readers will take particular delight in an eight- 
page pictorial section of trains on Saluda Hill. 

The book is conscientiously compiled and its photographic pano- 
rama is fascinating. Its historical sketch, though limited, is still the 
most extensive now in print, and it incorporates otherwise hard-to- 
find historical data from President Fairfax Harrison's excellent but 
long out-of-print legal history of the railway. These merits help out- 
weigh certain eccentricities which stem from private publication of 
the book. There is no index, and the locomotive roster pages are 
reproductions of handprinted, not typeset, charts. 

Michael Dunn 
Marquette University 

364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian 
Era. By Richard P. McCormick. (Chapel Hill : University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1966. Bibliography, index. Pp. x, 389. $7.50.) 

This is a state-by-state analysis of political developments from 
1820 to 1852. McCormick's major thesis is that the second American 
party system had its origins in successive contests for the presidency. 
He has done an excellent job blending the disciplines of history and 
political science. 

McCormick's conclusions are sound, if unsensational. He shows 
politicians maneuvering, seeking alliances, and trying to gain or 
retain political power. He demonstrates that parties were primarily 
electoral machines rather than men combined for economic or social 

In New England McCormick has done fresh research. He shows 
that before 1824 Republicans had gained control while Federalists 
generally withdrew from office. New alliances formed after 1828 
with Federalists appearing in both groups. Adams' New England 
birth proved a great advantage to his party, but when Adams was 
no longer a candidate for president the two parties were about even. 

For the middle, southeastern, and newer western states, McCor- 
mick adds little that is new to scholars. He stresses the discipline of 
the Van Buren group in New York, the role of the Antimasons, who, 
McCormick feels, filled a void when opposition was poorly organized, 
and the strength of the Federalists in Delaware. He shows that in 
the Southeast Republicans had never been an effectively organized 
party, and factionalism existed until about 1834 when state and na- 
tional groups began to merge to form real parties. In the newer states 
of the West real parties did not form until almost 1840. McCormick 
sees 1840 as the high-water mark of the second party system. 

On the whole this is a book of merit. The general reader, the col- 
lege student, and the beginning researcher will find it valuable. In an 
introduction McCormick explains his purpose, and within his own 
limitations he does the job he set out to do. It is rather dull reading, 
as McCormick omits dramatic incidents to show instead such facts 
as how nominations were made; what percentage of voters came to 
the polls; what portion of persons were eligible to vote; whether 
elections were by counties, districts, or states; and how voting per- 
centages compared for different elections. 

This is a good book, but not a great one. 

William S. Hoffmann 
Saginaw Valley College 

Book Reviews 365 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 
Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the Presi- 
dent, 1963-1961*. Book I— November 22, 1963 to June 30, 1961*. (Wash- 
ington: United States Government Printing Office, for the National 
Archives, 1965. Foreword, preface, list of items, index. Pp. lxxvi, 838, 
A-104. $6.75.) Book II-— July 1 to December 31, 1961*. (Washington: 
United States Government Printing Office, for the National Archives, 
1965. List of items, appendixes, index. Pp. lxx, 839-1709, A-104. $7.00.) 

In these books are gathered most of the public messages and 
statements, of the thirty-sixth President of the United States, that 
were released by the White House between November 22, 1963, the 
date on which he took the oath of office, and December 31, 1964. 
"This volume begins in tragedy and ends in hope," writes Lyndon B. 
Johnson in the Foreword. The initial item is the brief remark made 
by Johnson upon his arrival at Andrews Air Force Base. The con- 
cluding item is the New Year greeting sent to the leaders of the 
Soviet Union. The reality of the tragedy of John F. Kennedy's death 
is attested by the memories of all Americans; and surely all Amer- 
icans of good will shared their new President's hope for peace with 
Russia in 1965, however contingent this hope proved to be. 

This series was begun in 1957 in response to a recommendation of 
the National Historical Publications Commission. An extensive com- 
pilation of the messages and papers of the presidents, covering the 
period 1789 to 1897, was assembled, as historians gratefully know, 
by James D. Richardson and published under congressional authority 
between 1896 and 1899. Since that time various private compilations 
were issued, but there was no uniform, systematic publication com- 
parable to the Congressional Record or the United States Supreme 
Court Reports. Many presidential papers could be found only in 
mimeographed White House releases or as reported in the press. The 
National Historical Publications Commission therefore recommended 
the establishment of an official series in which presidential writings 
and utterances of a public nature could be made promptly available. 
Volumes covering the administrations of Presidents Eisenhower and 
Kennedy and the first six years of President Truman are now in print; 
others are in preparation. 

The items are presented in chronological order rather than being 
grouped in classes. This is probably a wise decision especially since 
a subject index compensates for the disadvantages of a chronological 
arrangement. Editorial notes explain the place and circumstances of 
the utterances, and otherwise provide clarification. The text is based 
on original source materials, where available. In a few instances the 

366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

White House issued advance releases, based on the prepared text of 
addresses or remarks, which differ from the text as actually delivered. 
Such releases have been appropriately noted. 

This volume reveals the enormous range of problems and issues 
which confront the institution of the American Presidency. And if this 
volume does not suggest a mind of intensity and penetration, sophis- 
tication and style, it hardly substantiates the mordant and modish 
assertion that Lyndon B. Johnson is a banal man. 

Robert Moats Miller 

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 


[An Illustrated History of Yadkin County, 1850-1965, by William E. 
Rutledge, Jr., has recently been published by the Ripple Publishing 
Company, Box 7, Yadkinville. Copies of the 180-page book (with 
7%" x 10M" pages) are $4.50, including tax, plus a 25-cent handling 
charge on mail orders. The first few pages are devoted to a general 
history of the early settlers of the area and of Yadkin County, but 
the greater portion of the volume is concerned with individual com- 
munities and towns, churches, schools, clubs and organizations, doc- 
tors and lawyers, war participation, and other topics too numerous 
to list. The book abounds in names: individuals participating in the 
major wars of the United States, county officials, town officials, teach- 
ers, preachers, lawyers, doctors, volunteer firemen, "notable persons," 
and many, many others. The amount of detailed information included 
in the pages of this History of Yadkin County readily shows that a 
vast amount of research went into the project. Excellent illustrations 
throughout add immeasurably to the value of this publication. 

The revised and abridged edition of E. Franklin Frazier's The 
Negro Family in the United States has now been reissued with a new 
foreword by Nathan Glazer. This study by a well-known Negro so- 
ciologist and professor at Howard University was first published in 
1939; the revised edition appeared in 1948. Though the book now 
issued by the University of Chicago Press contains the same informa- 
tion as that of 1948, the subject of the Negro family is timely in the 

Book Reviews 367 

light of recent political and social developments in the field of race 
relations. The Foreword attempts to bring this sociological study into 
proper perspective in the light of developments not foreseen by Fra- 
zier during his lifetime. Copies of the 372-page book are $2.45 in 
paper and $6.00 in cloth binding. Orders should be sent to the pub- 
lisher at 5750 Ellis Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, 60637. 

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Harry S. Tru- 
man, Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of 
the President, January 1 to December 31, 1951, was published re- 
cently by the United States Government Printing Office in Washing- 
ton. White House releases, transcripts of news conferences, addresses, 
and speeches of 1951 are included in this volume. Other materials, 
such as proclamations, executive orders, and reports to Congress are 
listed in appendixes. With the Korean conflict creating demands for 
increased expenditures for defense, with the dangers of inflation, with 
domestic problems growing out of foreign involvements as well as 
increasing with the population, President Truman's leadership was 
needed in many areas. First-hand accounts, such as those included 
here, reveal clearly the role which Truman played and the impact 
of his office on the developments of 1951. Historians and laymen 
interested in recent United States history will welcome this additional 
documentary source for the Truman administration. The volume was 
edited by Warren R. Reid, assisted by Mildred R. Rerry. The 749- 
page book is adequately indexed; copies may be ordered from the 
Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, D. C, 20402, for $6.25. 

A Bibliography of the Writings on Georgia History, by Arthur Ray 
Rowland, an Archon Rook, has been published by the Shoe String 
Press, Inc., 60 Connolly Parkway, Hamden, Connecticut, 06514, and 
is being sold for $10.00. The title is misleading as this volume covers 
only the years 1900 to 1955. Public records and related official pub- 
lications of state and local governmental agencies were omitted unless 
they were of historical nature. General works which mentioned 
Georgia only incidentally, works of fiction, newspaper articles, and 
unpublished materials such as theses were excluded. Particularly 
valuable, however, is the inclusion of articles published in the Georgia 
Historical Quarterly and the Georgia Review because the materials 
in these two periodicals has not been indexed in any other compre- 
hensive bibliography or index. A total of 2,385 listings, the names of 
serials cited, and an index of subjects make up the 289 pages of the 
book. The compiler is librarian of Augusta College, Augusta, Georgia. 

368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Another publication relating to Georgia is Historical Markers of 
Richmond County, Georgia, edited by A. Ray Rowland, published by 
the Richmond County Historical Society in Augusta. The 39-page, 
indexed pamphlet contains historical data and descriptions of various 
sites, buildings, and monuments in Richmond County. Illustrations of 
many of the sites add to the interest and value of the booklet. Copies, 
which are 50 cents, may be ordered from Mr. Rowland, Augusta 
College Library, 2500 Walton Way, Augusta, Georgia, 30904. 

The New Orleans Sesquicentennial Celebration Commission was 
established in 1962 "to develop and execute plans for the observance 
of the 150th anniversary of that battle." The commission has now 
issued its final report which has been published under the title, Battle 
of New Orleans Sesquicentennial Celebration, 1815-1965. Activities 
and programs of the commission are discussed; documents from the 
period of the Battle of New Orleans and other historical information 
are also included. The 154-page illustrated book, bound in hard 
covers, is being sold by the Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, D. C, 20402, for $2.00. 

Professor Clement Eaton has published The Freedorn-of-Thought 
Struggle in the Old South in a Harper Torchbook edition. This work 
is a revised and enlarged version of his 1940 Freedom of Thought in 
the Old South, which was reviewed in detail by Dr. John Hope 
Franklin in the January, 1941, issue of the North Carolina Historical 
Review. This new edition contains material not included in the orig- 
inal work: a chapter on mail censorship and two chapters on "political 
leaders of the Old South who displayed independence of mind and 
often moral courage by opposing popular measures that they regard- 
ed as harmful." Dr. Eaton, in the Preface to the new edition, calls 
attention to "the remarkable parallel in attitudes toward social change 
between the society of the Old South and that of Mississippi and Ala- 
bama today." Those who are familiar with Freedom of Thought in 
the Old South will welcome the revised book with its fresh material; 
those who have not read the earlier work will find The Freedom-of- 
Thought Struggle in the Old South both enlightening and rewarding. 
Dr. Eaton and the publishers, Harper and Row, are to be congratu- 
lated for their achievement in making this publication available. 
Copies are $2.95; the address of the publisher is 49 East 33rd Street, 
New York, New York, 10016. There are 407 pages plus an index and 

Book Reviews 369 

The twenty-fifth series of the Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures 
in Southern History was given at Louisiana State University by Dr. 
Walter Brownlow Posey. The lectures have been published under 
the title Religious Strife on the Southern Frontier, The theme of the 
lectures came from the fact of absence of co-operation among the 
frontier churches, where often was "displayed an unchristian senti- 
ment." Dr. Posey's three lectures— "Protestants Against Protestants," 
"Protestants Against a New Sect," and "Protestants Against Catho- 
lics"— contain a rich assortment of illustrations to support the theme 
of religious strife. Quotations from the religious press of the period 
make the animosities of the several denominations seem the real and 
serious matters they were. Anyone interested in denominational his- 
tory will find himself fascinated by Dr. Posey's lectures. The 112-page 
book is available from the Louisiana State University Press, Baton 
Rouge, for $4.00. 

The Michigan Civil War Centennial Observance Commission has 
published several more in its series concerned with Michigan's par- 
ticipation in the war: The Effect of the Civil War on Music in Michi- 
gan, 54 pages, by Mary D. Teal and Lawrence W. Brown; The Bap- 
tists of Michigan and the Civil War, 24 pages, by Judson LeRoy 
Day II; Michigan Women in the Civil War, 144 pages, containing 
chapters by seven women under the chairmanship of Minnie Dubbs 
Millbrook; Michigan Civil War Monuments, 76 pages, compiled by 
George S. May; and A Guide to the Material in Detroit Newspapers, 
1861-1866, 404 pages, by Helen H. Ellis. The series is under the 
editorship of Lewis Beeson. Further information may be obtained 
from the Michigan Civil War Centennial Observance Commission, 
22307 South Military, Dearborn, Michigan, 48124. 



Director's Office 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, and Miss Mary 
B. Cornick, representing the State Department of Archives and History, 
and Mr. T. Harry Gatton, representing the department's Executive Board, 
appeared March 4 before the special Legislative Committee on Printing 
and Binding established by the 1965 General Assembly to investigate and 
report on the publishing programs of the various state departments and 
agencies. Information was compiled, a statement on printing was sub- 
mitted, and copies of all printed materials issued during the 1963-1965 
biennium were made available to the committee. The cut in printing funds 
made by the 1965 General Assembly has necessitated a drastic reduction 
in the amount of free material available to school children and to others 
requesting information about the history of North Carolina. A statement 
explaining the situation is being enclosed with all answers to requests for 
free material. 

The Executive Board of the State Department of Archives and History 
met in the department's assembly room March 15. Mr. T. Harry Gatton 
of Raleigh was elected vice-chairman and presided at the meeting. Mr. 
Frank B. Turner, State Property Officer, and Mr. F. Carter Williams, 
architect, discussed with the board the status of the projected new building 
for the Department of Archives and History and the State Library. 

More than 125 persons from the Carolinas, Florida, Georgia, and Virginia 
participated in the first annual conference of South Atlantic Historical 
Societies held in Raleigh April 15-16 and sponsored jointly by the 
American Association for State and Local History, the State Department 
of Archives and History, and the North Carolina Literary and Historical 
Association. The topic for discussion on April 15 was "Researching, 
Writing, and Publishing Local History. ,, Brief talks were made throughout 
the day by Dr. W. Edwin Hemphill, editor, South Carolina Archives 
Department; Mr. Charles R. Holloman, editor, We the People, Raleigh; 
Admiral A. M. Patterson, assistant state archivist, Department of Archives 
and History; Mr. William S. Powell, librarian, North Carolina Collection, 
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Dr. Edward W. Phifer, 
Morganton; Dr. Thomas C. Parramore, Meredith College, Raleigh; Mr. 
Lambert Davis, director, University of North Carolina Press; Mrs. 
Memory F. Mitchell, editor, North Carolina Historical Review; and Mr. 
Herbert C. Bradshaw, editor, Durham Morning Herald. Dr. Edward P. 
Alexander, vice-president, Colonial Williamsburg, presided at the dinner 
session and introduced Mr. James W. Reid, a vice-president of Branch 
Banking and Trust Company and former mayor of Raleigh, who delivered 

Historical News 371 

the principal address. An illustrated lecture presented by Mr. Stanley 
South, staff archaeologist, Department of Archives and History, on 
"Digging into the Past" concluded the day's activities. 

On April 16 the conference topic was "Historical Museums and Historic 
Sites." Reports on current programs and activities in the South Atlantic 
states were made by Mrs. Kenneth R. Higgins, Board of Directors, 
Association for the Preservation of Virginia Antiquities, Richmond; Mr. 
Charles E. Lee, director, South Carolina Archives Department; Mr. 
William R. Mitchell, Jr., staff historian, Georgia Historical Commission; 
Mr. Thomas G. Baker, chairman, Department of Interpretation, Florida 
State Museum; and Dr. Christopher Crittenden. Financial problems of 
the local historical society were discussed by Mr. James S. Stevens, 
associate director, North Carolina Recreation Commission; Mr. Thomas 
W. Lambeth, Richardson Foundation, Greensboro; Dr. John D. Costlow, 
president, Beaufort Historical Society; and Mr. Curtis Thacker, superin- 
tendent, "Monticello," Charlottesville, Virginia. Discussions on the oper- 
ation and maintenance of local historical society properties were led by 
Mrs. S. Henry Edmunds, director, Historic Charleston Foundation; Mr. 
James A. Gray, president, Old Salem ; and Mr. Ray S. Wilkinson, president, 
Historic Halifax Restoration Association. The principal address at the 
luncheon was made by Dr. William T. Alderson, director, American 
Association for State and Local History. During the afternoon session, 
suggestions for master planning a historic-house museum were offered 
by Mr. William R. Mitchell, Jr. ; Mr. Frank L. Horton, director, Museum 
of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Old Salem; and Mr. Kenneth Wilson, 
curator, the Corning Museum of Glass, Corning, New York. 

The Historic Sites Advisory Committee met in Raleigh April 25. Along 
with other business, the committee conducted a hearing de novo on the 
evidence, or lack of evidence, as to whether "the Daniel Boone Homeplace 
in Davidson County" was actually the homeplace of Daniel Boone. The 
hearing was recorded, it will be transcribed, and a copy will be sent to 
each member of the committee. After the committee has had an opportu- 
nity to study the proceedings, a decision will be made. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Dr. H. G. Jones, state archivist, spoke to the Northeast Alabama 
Genealogical Society in Gadsden, Alabama, on March 12. On April 28-29 
he attended the annual meeting of the Organization of American Historians 
and a council meeting of the Society of American Archivists in Cincin- 
nati, Ohio, and from May 9 through May 14 he was one of approximately 
sixty United States delegates to the Extraordinary Congress of the Inter- 
national Council on Archives in Washington. 

On April 16 in Raleigh a Symposium on Archival Administration was 
conducted under the joint sponsorship of the Society of American Archi- 
vists, the National Archives and Records Service, and the North Carolina 
Department of Archives and History. Approximately fifty people heard 
papers by Mr. A. K. Johnson, Jr., regional director of the National 
Archives and Records Service ; Miss Carroll Hart, director of the Georgia 

372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Department of Archives and History ; Dr. Carolyn A. Wallace, curator of 
manuscripts at the Southern Historical Collection, Chapel Hill; and Dr. 
H. G. Jones and Mr. T. W. Mitchell of the State Department of Archives 
and History, The group also saw a demonstration of laminating techniques 
by Mr. J. R. Hocutt. 

The following additional newspapers have been microfilmed by the 
department and positive copies may be purchased at $8.00 per reel: 
Mecklenburg Times (Charlotte, weekly), 1889-1897, 6 reels; Polk County 
News (Columbus and Tryon, weekly), 1902-1911, 1914-1915, 1918-1926, 
16 reels; Concord Times (weekly), 1885-1903, 7 reels; Concord Times 
(semi-weekly), 1903-1929, 36 reels; Concord Standard (weekly), 1888- 
1892, 1893, 1895, 1898, 2 reels; Concord Standard (daily), 1893-1899, 13 
reels; M or ganton Herald (weekly), 1891-1901, 4 reels; New Era (Shelby, 
weekly), 1887-1889, 1 reel; Washington Progress (weekly), 1887-1917, 
1919-1924, 1942-1946, 22 reels. 

In the Microfilm Processing Laboratory, 1,521 reels were processed 
including 357 reels of 16 mm. negatives, 735 reels of 35 mm. negatives, 
43 reels of 16 mm. positives, and 386 reels of 35 mm. positives. Pages 
laminated totaled 23,274. 

Among the recent acquisitions have been the Lewis H. Webb Papers, 
consisting of Civil War muster rolls and related correspondence; Philip 
Schwartz Papers, consisting of blueprints and notes relating to the re- 
novation of the State Capitol in 1924 ; the Isaac Brown Collection of Civil 
War letters; and an addition to the W. Kerr Scott Papers. The staff has 
continued the preparation of adequate descriptions and finding aids for 
several of the older private collections, including the papers of W. H. S. 
Burgwyn, Lawrence O'Bryan Branch, Bryan Grimes, Archibald D. 
Murphey, Richard Caswell, James Webb, Richard White, Tillie Bond, 
William L. Saunders, Cornelia Phillips Spencer, William W. Holden, and 
Thomas M. Pittman. 

The first in a proposed series of archives information circulars has been 
issued and is available to the public at 25 cents per copy. Titled "North 
Carolina's Revolutionary War Pay Records" and edited by Messrs. C. F. W. 
Coker and Donald R. Lennon, the 8-page illustrated leaflet expains in 
layman's terms the Revolutionary Army accounts and pay vouchers which 
are among the most frequently used records in the archives. 

In all 1,199 mail inquiries were handled in the Search Room, and 819 
did research in person. During the quarter ending March 31 the following 
copies were furnished to the public: 724 photostatic copies, 1,449 xero- 
graphic copies, 126 prints from microfilm, 73 typed, certified copies, 138 
reels of newspaper positives, and 18 reels of non-newspaper positives. 
Actual deposits totaled $4,035.89. 

The Local Records Section has completed microfilming the permanently 
valuable records of Moore and Cabarrus counties, and work is now in 
progress in Robeson and Haywood counties. In addition, county operators 
continue to microfilm records in Cleveland, Gaston, Guilford, and Mecklen- 
burg counties. 

Original records have been received from Cabarrus and Haywood 
counties. Varying quantities and types of records from Moore, Perquimans, 

Historical News 373 

and Stokes counties have been arranged and lists of them prepared for 
use of the researching public. 

Microfilm copies of marriage licenses from Caswell, Cumberland, 
Johnston, Jones, Martin, Orange, and Pitt counties have been placed in 
the Search Room. 

In the State Records Section, installation of the combined filing system 
for the Board of Paroles, Prison Department, and Probation Commission 
continued with merger of the Paroles and Prison custodial files. Beginning 
May 9 all new inmates have been assigned only an alphameric number and 
use of this new numbering system is now mandatory for all prisoners. 
Fourteen additional agencies have developed lists of essential operating 
records and "Memorandums of Understanding" on their protection have 
been signed. 

Schedules for the Department of Mental Health and the Board of 
Juvenile Correction have been approved. The latter extends the scheduling 
program to the eight juvenile institutions. 

The State Records Center received 2,370 cubic feet of records during 
the quarter ending March 31 and disposed of 1,333 cubic feet; the net 
increase of 1,037 cubic feet brings the total holdings of the center to 
41,355 cubic feet. The reference workload of the Records Center continues 
to increase, with 31,997 references performed during the same quarter, 
an average of more than 500 daily. 

Microfilming of the original Supreme Court cases, Board of Health 
birth certificates, and Secretary of State land grant record books continued. 

The first volume of North Carolina Troops, 1861-1865: A Roster, edited 
by Dr. Louis H. Manarin, is in page proof and the finished book is expected 
to be ready for distribution in July. This volume, covering the artillery 
units, will sell for $12.00 and may be ordered from the Division of Publica- 
tions, State Department of Archives and History. Publication of the 
second volume, a cavalry roster, will be delayed pending action by the 
1967 General Assembly. In the meantime, Dr. Manarin is continuing 
research for the infantry volumes. 

Division of Historic Sites 

Mr. W, S. Tarlton, historic sites superintendent, attended the regional 
conference of the Bureau of Outdoor Recreation in Atlanta, March 3, 
at which the role of historic sites in the Land and Water Conservation 
Program was discussed. 

In his capacity as secretary of the Historic Sites Subcommittee of the 
Natural Resources Committee, Mr. Tarlton attended the Governor's Con- 
ference on Beautification held in Raleigh, April 7-8. The meeting, called 
by Governor Dan K. Moore, was attended by representatives of state 
agencies and numerous other organizations interested in preserving and 
enhancing the state's scenic, recreational, and historical resources. 

On April 18 Mr. Tarlton and Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., were present 
at a hearing at Fort Fisher held by the United States Army Corps